Click on this text to examine SOME KEY SPEECHES OF ADOLF HITLER - COMPLETE TEXT IN ENGLISH AND GERMAN
Hitler's Reichstag Speech July 19,
Hitlers Speech in the Lustgarten, May 1939
By July of 1940, Germany is in complete control of the war which had been imposed upon it. The
Polish aggressor has been defeated, peace with France has been established, and Hitler has graciously allowed the British
to evacuate the continent (at Dunkirk), leaving their equipment behind. Furthermore, the Soviet Union and the United
States are not even in the war. So then, with Germany 'holding all the cards', and Churchill now bombing German civilians,
what does Hitler do? He continues to plea for an end to the sensless war - with no strings attached.
Most students of real history already know this. But
did you know that Hitler went so far as to airdrop mass quantities of 'peace leaflets' over London?
It's true. The 4-page leaflets were English-language copies of his recent speech before the German nation,
a speech which the Germans arranged to have broadcast on hundreds of radio stations across Europe. The
July 19th speech was entitled: "A Last Appeal to Reason".
Dropped over London the day after, the leaflet summarizes the
injustices inflicted upon Germany after the Great War of 1914-1918, warns of the machinations of the Jewish warmongers and
their henchmen, and finally closes with Hitler’s plea to call off the war...
The Speech of the Fuehrer, Adolf Hitler, in the Reichstag, Berlin, 19. July 1940
of Victory over France and the British Forces in the Western Campaign
EDITOR'S NOTE: The session opened with a very moving speech by the Deputy Fuehrer, Reichsmarschall
Hermann Goering, paying tribute to fallen of both the German and then the Italians. He also spoke again
speech by Adolf Hitler, the text of his speech are not available, but both speeches are included in
the original German
I have provided some definitions and annotations within
the body of the text of Hitler's speech for clarity..
Deputies, Men of the German Reichstag!
In the midst of the mighty struggle for the freedom and future of the German nation, I
called on you to gather for this session today. The grounds for it are: to give our Volk insight
into the historic
uniqueness of the events we have lived through; to express our thanks to the
deserving soldiers; and to direct, once
again and for the last time, an appeal to general
= the united German people, as a single entity, with a distinct culture, language, heritage,
customs, beliefs and traditions,
etc and not synonymous with simple translation as Folk or “the people” in
Whoever contrasts the factors which triggered this historic conflict with the extent, the
consequence of the military occurrences, must realize that the events and
sacrifices of this struggle stand in no relation
to the alleged causes, unless these causes
themselves were but pretexts for intentions yet concealed.
The program of the National Socialist Revolution, insofar as it concerned the future
development of the Reich’s relations with the surrounding world, was an attempt to
obtain a revision of the Treaty
of Versailles under all circumstances-and as far as this
was possible-by peaceful means.
This revision was by nature a necessity. The untenability of the provisions of Versailles lay not
in the humiliating discrimination, the disarmament of the German Volk secured with the
result that they lost their rights,
but above all in the resultant material destruction of the
present and the intended destruction of the future of one
of the greatest civilized peoples in
the world, in the completely senseless accumulation of vast terrains under the mastery
few states, in the depriving of the losers of irreplaceable foundations for life and indispensable
The fact that insightful men on the side of the adversary, even while this Diktat was
composed, warned against the conclusive realization of the terms of this work of lunacy, is
proof of the persuasion
prevalent even in these ranks that it would be impossible to maintain
this Diktat in the future. Their misgivings and
their protests were silenced by the
assurance that the statutes of the newly created League of Nations secured the
possibility of a revision of these provisions, indeed that it was authorized for such a
At no time was hope for a revision regarded as something improper,
butalways as something quite natural.
Regrettably, contrary to the will of the men responsible for the Versailles Diktat,
institution in Geneva never regarded itself as an agency for procuring sensible
revisions, but rather, from
the beginning, as the custodian of the ruthless
implementation and maintenance of the provisions of Versailles. All endeavors
democratic Germany failed to obtain, by means of revision, an equality of rights for the
1. a harsh,
punitive settlement or decree imposed unilaterally on a defeated nation, political party, etc.
2. any decree or authoritative
statement: The Board of Education issued a diktat that all employees must
report an hour earlier.
Origin: 1930–35; < German: literally, something dictated < Latin dictātus, past participle
of dictāre to
It lies in the interest of the victor to portray
as universally sanctified those conditions
that benefit him, while the essence of the instinct of self-preservation compels
vanquished to strive for a restoration of his general human rights. For him this Diktat
penned by an arrogant
enemy has even less force of law insofar as the victory of this
enemy was a dishonest one. It was a rare misfortune that
the German Reich was led
exceedingly badly in the years 1914 to 18 ! To this, and to the not otherwise instructed
trust and faith of the German Volk in the word of democratic statesmen, must our fall
It was thus that the joint British-French endeavor to portray the Versailles Treaty as
some type of international or higher justice must have appeared to every honest
German as nothing other than an insolent
usurpation. The supposition that British or
French statesmen of all people were custodians of justice itself, or even
culture, was a stupid effrontery. It was an affront which is sufficiently elucidated by
their own inferior
performances in these fields. For rarely has this world been
governed with a greater deficit of cleverness, morality,
and culture than in that part of it
which is presently at the mercy of the fury of certain democratic statesmen.
The National Socialist Movement has, besides its delivery from the Jewish-capitalist
shackles imposed by a plutocratic-democratic, dwindling class of exploiters at home,
pronounced its resolve to free
the Reich from the shackles of the Diktat of Versailles
abroad. The German demands for a revision were an absolute necessity,
a matter of
course for the existence and the honor of any great people. Posterity will some day
come to regard them
as exceedingly modest.
All these demands had to be carried through, in
practice against the will of the British-
French potentates! Now more than ever we all see it as a success of the leadership
the Third Reich that the realization of these revisions was possible for years without
resort to war. This was
not the case-as the British and French demagogues would have
it - because we were not then in a position to wage war.
When it finally appeared as
though, thanks to a gradually awakening common sense, a peaceful resolution of the
problems could be reached through international cooperation, the
agreement concluded in this spirit on September 29,
1938, at Munich by the four great
states, predominantly involved, was not welcomed by public opinion in
London and Paris, but was condemned as a despicable sign of weakness.
The Jewish-capitalist warmongers, their hands covered with blood, saw in the possible
success of such
a peaceful revision the vanishing of plausible grounds for the
realization of their insane plans. Once again that conspiracy
of pitiful, corrupt political
creatures and greedy financial magnates made its appearance, for whom war is a
means to bolster business. The International Jewish poison of the peoples
began to agitate against and to corrode healthy
minds. Men of letters [authors, writers
of letters to editors] set out to portray decent men who desired peace as weaklings
traitors, to denounce opposition parties as a “fifth column,” in order to eliminate
to their criminal policy of war. Jews and Freemasons, armament
industrialists and war profiteers, international traders
and stock-jobbers [market
speculators] , found political blackguards: desperados and glory seekers who
war as something to be yearned for and hence wished for.
It is to be
ascribed to these criminal elements that the Polish State was incited to
assume a posture which stood in no relation
to the German demands and even less to
the consequences that resulted. The German Reich, in particular with regard to
has shown restraint ever since the National Socialist rise to power. One of the basest
and stupidest provisions
of the Versailles Diktat, namely the tearing away of an old
German province from the Reich, already cried for a revision
in and of itself.
But what was it that I demanded at the time?
must in this context refer to my own person. No other statesman could have afforded to
propose a solution to the German
nation in the way I did. It comprised merely the return of
Danzig - that is to say of an ancient, purely German city
- to the Reich as well as the
creation of a connection of the Reich to its severed province. And this only pursuant to
plebiscites conducted, in turn, under the auspices of an international forum.
If Mr. Churchill or any other warmongers
had but a fraction of the sense of
responsibility I felt toward Europe, they could not have played so perfidious a game.
For it need be ascribed solely to these vested interests in war, both within Europe and
beyond, that Poland rejected the proposals which neither compromised its existence
nor its honor, and instead resorted
to terror and arms. And it was truly superhuman
restraint, without precedent, which for months led us, in spite of persistent
assassination attempts on ethnic Germans-yes, indeed, in spite of the slaughter of
tens of thousands of German Volksgenossen
[our people], to continue to search for a
path toward peaceful understanding.
For what was the situation like?
One of the creations of the Diktat
of Versailles, the most divorced from reality, a bogy
[Poland], inflated militarily and politically, insulted a state
[Germany] for many months,
threatening to beat it, to fight battles before [at] Berlin, to smash the German Army to
pieces, to transfer the border to the Oder or the Elbe [rivers] ; it went on and on. And
this other state, Germany,
watched the goingson patiently for months, although one
good swipe would have sufficed for us to burst this bubble, that
was inflated by
stupidity and arrogance!
September 2, this struggle could yet have been avoided. Mussolini made a proposal to put
an immediate end to the hostilities
and to negotiate peacefully. Though Germany saw its
armies advancing victoriously, I accepted this nonetheless. But the
warmongers needed war, not peace.
And they needed a
long war, as Mr. Chamberlain put the matter at the time. It was to
last for at least three years, since they had in the
meantime invested their capital in the
armament industry, bought the necessary machinery, and now needed the
of time for the thriving of their business and for the amortization of their
investments. And besides: what are Poles,
Czechs, or other such nationalities to these
citizens of the world?
A German soldier found a curious document while rummaging through train wagons at
La Charite station on June 19, 1940. He immediately handed over the document-which
bore a particular remark-to his superiors
at departmental headquarters. From there the paper
passed to agencies. It became clear that what had been discovered
constituted evidence in a
most important investigation. The train station was once more thoroughly searched. And it
was thus that the High Command of the Wehrmacht came into possession of a collection of
documents of unique historical
What was found were the secret files of the Allied High
War Council, including the
protocols of all sessions of this illustrious association. And this time it shall not be
possible for Mr. Churchill to simply deny or to lie about the authenticity of these
documents, as he had attempted
to do at the time in the case of documents found in
Warsaw. For these documents feature handwritten notes in the margins
Gamelin, Daladier, Weygand, and so on. Hence these gentlemen are free either to admit
to these or to disown
them at any time. And these documents enlighten us as to the
dealings of these gentlemen who have an interest in the
war and in its expansion.
They will above all demonstrate how these cold-blooded
politicians and military men
have used all these small peoples as a means to an end; how they tried to subject
to their interests; how they determined to make Norway and Sweden the
theater of war; how they planned to set fire to
the Balkans to procure the assistance of
100 divisions from there; how they prepared to bomb Batum and Baku under the
of a shrewd as well as unscrupulous reading of the Turkish neutrality in favor of their
own interests; how
they spun their web around the Netherlands and Belgium, pulling
its strings constantly tighter, and finally engaging
them in general staff agreements; as
well as many other things.
documents afford us, moreover, a good picture of the entire amateurish method
which these policy-making warmongers employed
in an attempt to contain the fire they
had kindled. These speak of their military pseudo-democracy which is jointly
responsible for the gruesome fate which they have inflicted on hundreds of thousands
and millions of soldiers of their
own countries; of their barbaric lack of conscience
which led them to drive their own peoples from their homes in cold
deliberately, in a mass evacuation whose military consequences were not necessarilyfavorable to them,
while the general human results were shockingly gruesome.
The same criminals are at the same time responsible for whipping up the Poles and inciting
them to war. Eighteen days later this campaign ended-for all practical purposes.
For a second time in the war, I spoke
to the German Volk from this stand on October 6, 1939.
I was then able to report to it the glorious military defeat of
the Polish State. I then also
directed an appeal to reason to the men responsible in the enemy states and to their
peoples. I warned against further pursuit of the war, the consequences of which could
only be devastating. I warned
the French especially not to start a war which, by
necessity, would eat its way inward from the frontier and which, irrespective
outcome, would have dire consequences.
At this time, I directed
an appeal to the rest of the world as well. However, as I said
then, I did so with the apprehension that not only might
I not be heard, but that thereby
I might only elicit the wrath of the warmongers interested. And this is precisely what
came to pass.
The responsible elements in England and France smelt
a rat, seeing my appeal as a
dangerous assault on their lucrative profiteering in the war.
Thus they hurriedly and eagerly declared that any thought of an understanding was a
waste of time - yes,
that this would even have to be regarded as a crime. The war had to be
pursued in the name of culture, humanity, good
fortune, progress, civilization, and - Good
God!- even in the name of sacred religion, and in subservience to this end,
even Negroes and
Bushmen (Buschmenschen) had to be mobilized. And then, of course, victory would come
about of its
own accord, so to speak. It would then be within grasp; one need only reach out
for it, so they said. I was very well
aware of all this myself, and indeed had known it for a
long time, and it was only because of this, that I had laid before
the world my appeal
for peace. For, if I were in a position to believe in victory, I would not have approached
and France with an understanding without any conditions attached. In a few
days these agitators succeeded in portraying
me as a coward before the eyes of the
I was scolded for my
peace proposal, even personally insulted. Mr. Chamberlain
virtually spat in my face before the world public and declined
to even talk of peace,
according to the directives of the warmongers and agitators backing him: Churchill,
Cooper, Eden, Hore-Belisha, and so on. Not to mention negotiating a peace.
And it was thus that the big capitalist clique
of war profiteers cried for a continuation
of the war. And this continuation has now begun.
I have already asserted, and all of you, my Volksgenossen, know this: that if I do not speak
time, or nothing much happens, then this does not mean that I am doing nothing.
With us it is not necessary to multiply
by a factor of five or twelve every airplane built, and
then to proclaim it loudly to the world. Besides, hens would
be ill-advised to cry out to the
world every egg just laid. It would be all the more ill-considered of statesmen to announce
projects barely beyond the planning stage, in nervous chatter, to the surrounding world, so as
to inform it in a timely
manner.To the excited garrulousness of two of these great democratic state leaders we owe
ever-current information on
the plans for an expansion of the war by our adversaries,
and especially on the concentration of the war effort in Norway
Volksgenossen = fellow people of the German community
1. Given to excessive
and often trivial or rambling talk; tiresomely talkative.
2. Wordy and rambling: a garrulous speech.
While the Anglo-French clique
of warmongers was on the lookout for new
opportunities to expand the war, and trying to trap new victims, I have labored
to a conclusion the organizational buildup of the Wehrmacht, to set up new units, to
start up production
for the war, to get material to flow, as well as to order training of
the entire Wehrmacht for its new missions. Beyond
this, however, the bad weather of the
late autumn and winter forced a postponement of military operations.
In the course of the month of March, we gained knowledge of British- French ambitions
intervene in the Russo-Finnish conflict; which was less to help the Finns and more to
damage Russia, the latter
being seen as a power cooperating with Germany. This
ambition grew into the determination to intervene actively in Finland
itself and, if
possible, to gain a base for carrying the war to the Baltic Sea. And, at this time also,
of the Allied High War Council appeared with ever greater insistence
either to set afire the Balkans or Asia Minor in
an effort to bar the Reich from its
Russian and Romanian oil imports, or to gain possession of Swedish iron ore.
in Norway were to serve this end with the goal of occupying all ore railroads
leading from Narvik across Sweden to the
port of Lulea.
The Russo-Finnish peace accords prevented, at the last
minute, the carrying out of the
already envisioned action in the Nordic States. Yet, merely a few days later, similar
ambitions surfaced anew and precipitated a clear decision.
and France had agreed to move, in one sudden strike, to occupy numerous
important locations in Norway under the pretext
of preventing further support for the
German war effort with Swedish ore.
To secure access completely to the Swedish ore, they intended to march into Sweden
themselves and to push aside the
few forces Sweden could muster, either, if possible,
in a friendly manner or, if necessary, by force.
Of the imminence of this danger we were informed personally by the untameable
of the First Lord of the British Admiralty. Moreover, we received
confirmation through a hint made by the French Premier
Reynaud in a talk with a
foreign diplomat. That the date had been postponed twice before the eighth of April,
that the occupation was scheduled for the eighth, that the eighth, therefore, was
the third and final day - of this we
gained knowledge only recently. It was conclusively
established only with the discovery of the protocols of the High
Allied War Council. I
then ordered the Wehrmacht, as soon as the danger of dragging the North into the war
apparent, to take the appropriate measures.
case of the Altmark already demonstrated that the Norwegian Government was not
willing to uphold its neutrality. Beyond
this, reports of secret agents also revealed that,
at least insofar as the leading heads of the Norwegian Government
and the Allies were
concerned, there was already full agreement. Finally, Norway’s reaction to the violation
of its territory by British minelayers dispelled all remaining doubts.
Altmark = a German tanker ship. The “Altmark Incident” was a naval skirmish of World War II between the
United Kingdom and Nazi Germany, which happened on 16 February 1940. It took place in what were, at that
The German operation, prepared down to the last detail, was launched. In fact the situation
was a bit
different from what we perceived it to be on April 9. While we then believed, we had
anticipated the British occupation
by a few hours, we know today that the landing of
the English troops had been scheduled for the eighth. The deployment
of the British
contingents had already begun on the fifth and sixth. However, the moment the first news
the British Admiralty of the German steps, i.e. that a German fleet had put to sea,
this development so impressed Mr.
Churchill that he decided to have the contingents already
embarked disembark once again, so that the British fleet would
first be able to search for and
attack German ships. This attempt ended in failure.
Only a single English destroyer came into contact with the German naval forces and was shot
out of the
water. This vessel could not relay any sort of message to the British Admiralty or to
the fleet of the English naval
combat contingents. And thus, on the ninth, the landing of
German forward units was carried out along a coastal front
stretching from Oslo north
to Narvik. When news of this reached London, the First Lord of the Admiralty, Mr. Churchill,
had already been on the lookout for many hours-eagerly awaiting first reports of the
successes of his fleet.
And this strike, my Deputies, was the most daring undertaking in the history of German
Its successful implementation was possible only thanks to
the leadership and the behavior of
all German soldiers involved. What our three arms, the Army, the Navy, and the Luftwaffe,
have accomplished in the struggle for Norway assures them mention in the records of the
Luftwaffe = German Airforce
The Navy conducted its operations, and later handled the troop transports,
faced by an
enemy who, all in all, possessed an almost tenfold superiority. All units of our young Reich
have covered themselves with eternal glory in this venture. Only after the war will it
be appropriate to discuss the
difficulties faced especially in this campaign: the numerous
unexpected setbacks, losses, and accidents suffered. To
have overcome all this in the end
goes to the credit of the behavior, the leadership, and the troops.
The Luftwaffe, which often was the only means of transport and communications in so
gigantically vast a terrain, outdid itself in all respects. Death-defying attacks on the enemy, on
his ships and landing
troops, are hardly more impressive than the tenacious heroics of the
plane pilots, who in spite of unimaginably adverse weather started time and time
again on their way to the land of the
midnight sun, only to unload soldiers or freight in the
midst of a snow storm. Norway’s fjords have become the
graveyard of many a British warship.
Because of the uninterrupted wild
attacks of German bombers and Stukas, the British fleet
was forced to retreat from and to evacuate the very arena of
which a few weeks earlier an
English newspaper had so tastefully stated “that it would be a pleasure for England
the German invitation to do battle there.” The Army. The crossing already constituted a great
for the soldiers of the Army. In a few cases, airborne troops had opened up the
area where they first set foot. Then
division after division flooded the land which, due to its
natural characteristics, already possessed considerable defenses,
and which - as far as the
Norwegian units were concerned - was very valiantly defended.
Of the Englishmen who had landed in Norway, one can say that the only remarkable
thing was the unscrupulousness
with which such badly trained, insufficiently
equipped, and miserably led soldiers had been put ashore as an expeditionary
From the beginning, they were certain to lose. By contrast, what our German infantry,
the pioneers, what
our artillery, our communications and construction units, have
achieved in Norway can only be termed the proud heroism
of struggle and labor.
The word Narvik will enter our history as glorious evidence of the spirit of the
of the National Socialist Greater German Reich.
The gentlemen Churchill,
Chamberlain, Daladier, and so on, have, until recently, been
exceedingly ill-informed as to the essence of the Greater
German unification process.
At the time, I announced that the future would probably teach them better. And I may
assume that in particular the deployment of mountain troops from the Ostmark at
this front furthest north in our battle
for freedom has enlightened them sufficiently as
far as the Greater German Reich and its sons are concerned.
It is lamentable that the grenadiers of Mr. Chamberlain did not pay sufficient and,
above all, persistent attention to this conflict, and instead preferred to be satisfied with
the first test of the
inner disposition of the tribes of our Volk which have newly come to
General von Falkenhorst led operations in Norway. Lieutenant General Dietl was the hero
Operations at sea were conducted under the leadership of Admiral General Saalwachter
and the Admirals Carls and Boehm, and Vice Admiral Lutjens.
of the Luftwaffe were under the leadership of Colonel General Milch and
Lieutenant General Geissler.
The High Command of the Wehrmacht, Colonel General Keitel, as the Chief of the High
Command, and General Jodl, as the Chief of the Wehrmacht leadership staff, were
responsible for implementing my directives
for the entire undertaking.
Even before the conclusion of the campaign
in Norway, news in the West took on anever more
threatening character. While,
in fact, preparations had been made before the
war to break through the Maginot Line in the event of a necessary conflict
or England, an undertaking for which the German troops had been trained and had
been equipped with the
weaponry required, the course of events in the first months of
the war compelled us to contemplate the possibility of
moving against Holland and
Belgium. While Germany had positioned hardly any units against Belgium or the
other than those necessary for security reasons, as well as beginning to
expand upon its fortification system, a visible
mass of French units began to array
itself along the French-Belgian border. In particular, the concentration of tanks
motorized divisions in this sector revealed that it was intended - at any rate it was
possible-for these to
be hurled at lighting speed through Belgium at the German
Decisive in this context was the following observation:
While, in the
case of a loyal reading of the Belgian-Dutch neutrality, these two
countries would have been forced, by the concentration
of strong Anglo-French forces
at their border, to focus their attention on the West, both began to reduce their troop
strengths along this border to the same degree they began to build up the units
stationed along the border with Germany.
News of ongoing talks at the general staff
-level, also shed a peculiar light on [this interpretation of] Belgian-Dutch
need not emphasize that these talks, had they been conducted in the spirit of true
have had to be held with both sides. Besides this, such an
intensification of signs indicating that a move of the Anglo-French
Holland and Belgium against the German industrial area was taking place required that
we should regard
this threat as a serious danger.
Hence I took the German Wehrmacht into
my confidence, informing it of the possibility
of such a development and entrusting it with the appropriate, detailed
numerous conferences at the High Command of the Wehrmacht with the Commanders
in Chief of the three
branches of the Wehrmacht, the leaders of the Army groups and of
the armies, down to the leaders of important, individual
undertakings, the tasks facing
us were enumerated and thoroughly discussed. Among the troops these were taken up
great understanding, as the basis for a special type of training.
the entire German deployment underwent the necessary
The thorough observations which had been conducted everywhere gradually led to the
compelling recognition that, from
the beginning of May on, an Anglo-French advance
had to be expected at any moment.
In the days of May 6 and 7, telephone conversations between London and Paris took
place, of which we gained
intelligence and which reinforced suspicions that an
invasion of the Netherlands and Belgium by the so-called Allies
had to be expected at
any moment. Thus on the following day, May 8, I ordered an immediate attack for May
5:35 in the morning.
The basic thought behind this operation was to deploy,
without worrying aboutperipheral successes,
the entire Wehrmacht - especially
the Army and the Luftwaffe -
in so decisive a manner, that the envisioned operations had to attain the complete
of the Anglo-French forces.
In contrast to the Schlieffen Plan of the
year 1914, I ordered the main thrust of the
operation along the left flank of the breakthrough front, while, however,
appearances of a reversed version. This deception was successful. Conduct of the
entire operation was
made easy for me by measures our adversaries themselves took.
For the concentration of the entire Anglo-French motorized
combat forces against
Belgium revealed as certain that the High Command of the Allied armies had arrived at
decision to advance most speedily into this area.
We relied on the steadfastness
of all German infantry divisions deployed in the thrust
against the right flank of the Anglo-French motorized Army Group.
Such a drive had to
lead to its complete shattering and dissolution - yes, perhaps even to its encirclement.
a second operation, I had planned the taking of the Seine up to Le Havre, as well as
securing bases at the Somme and
Aisne for a third assault. This was intended to break
through, with strong forces across the plateau at Langres, to the
Reaching the coast south of Bordeaux was to conclude operations.
framework and in this sequence, operations were in fact carried out.
The success of this mightiest sequence
of battles in world history we owe first and
foremost to the German soldier himself. He held his own at all places he
to the highest degree. The German tribes all share equally in this glory.
The soldiers of the young, new Reichsgaus, added only since 1938, also fought in an
and took a heavy toll of lives. The heroic risk of life by all Germans in this
war will make the emerging National Socialist
Greater German Reich eternally sacred and
dear not only to the present generation, but to all that follow.
When I undertake to honor all those forces to whose activities we owe this most glorious
victories, then first mention is due to a leadership which, in particular in this campaign, has
met the highest
It has performed the tasks imposed upon it, under the leadership of Colonel General von
Brauchitsch and his Chief of
Staff Halder, in a truly glorious fashion.
If the leadership of the German
Army of long ago was regarded as the best in the world, then
it is deserving today of at least equal admiration. Yes,
since success is decisive for passing
judgment, the leadership of the new German Army must be considered even better!
Subdivided into three Army Groups, the Army in the West was placed under the orders of
Colonel Generals Ritter von Leeb, von Rundstedt, and von Bock.
Army Group of General Ritter von Leeb had the initial mission to maintain the left flank
of the German front in the West,
stretching from the Swiss border up to the Moselle,
in a stateof highest defensive
readiness. It was anticipated that, in the later course of the operation,
this front would also actively intervene in
the battle of destruction with two armies under the
leadership of Colonel General von Witzleben and General Dollmann.
At 5:35 in the morning of May 10, the two Army Groups under Colonel Generals von
and von Bock launched the attack. It was their mission, along the entire front
from the river Moselle to the North Sea,
to break through the enemy lines along the frontier; to
occupy the Netherlands; to move against Antwerp and the troops
stationed at Dyle; to take
Liege; and, above all, to reach the left flank along the river Meuse with massive forces for
attack, to force a crossing between Namur and Carignan with a main thrust of the tank and
at Sedan and, in the further course of operations, to assemble all
available tank and motorized divisions to push onward,
along the system of canals and rivers
between the Aisne and the Somme, to the sea.
To Rundstedt’s southern Army Group fell also the important task of preventing a repetition of
Miracle of the Marne of 1914. He was to accomplish this task by securing, according to
plan, the cover of the left flank
in the course of the breakthrough.
This massive operation, which already
decided the further course of the war, led, as
planned, to the annihilation of the main mass of the French Army as well
as of the
entire British Expeditionary Force, and already added luster to the German leadership.
Besides the two
leaders of the Army Groups and their Chiefs of Staff, Lieutenant General
von Sodenstern and Lieutenant General von Salmuth,
the following leaders of the Army
are deserving of the highest of distinctions:
Colonel General von Kluge as leader of the Fourth Army;
Colonel General List as leader of the Twelfth
Colonel General von Reichenau as leader of the Sixth Army;
General von Kuchler as leader of the Eighteenth
General Busch as leader of the Sixteenth Army; and the
Generals von Kleist, Guderian, Hoth, and Hoeppner
as leaders of the tank and motorized troops.
Large additional numbers
of generals and officers who distinguished themselves in these
operations are known to you already, my Deputies, because
of the high distinctions granted
The further conduct of the
operation in the general direction of the Aisne and the Seine was
not intended to conquer Paris primarily, but rather
to create, or better secure, a basis for a
breakthrough to the Swiss border. This massive offensive action, thanks to
leadership of all grades, also went according to plan.
A change of personnel in the High Command of the French Army, which had meanwhile
taken place, was to revive its resistance
and to bring about a change, much desired by the
Allies, in the fortunes of the battle so unhappily begun.
Indeed it was possible to get the German armies and their offensive actions going, at
locations, only after overcoming the strongest of resistance.
Here, not only the courage, but also the training of the German soldier had the opportunity
hold its own to a high degree. Inspired by the zeal of countless officers and non-
commissioned officers, as
well as of individual men of valor, the infantry itself, time and time
again, was compelled onward even in the most difficult
Paris fell! The breaking of the enemy’s resistance
at the Aisne opened the way to a
breakthrough to the Swiss border. In one gigantic envelopment the armies stormed to
back of the Maginot Line. Now abandoning its reserve, the Army Group Leeb went on the
offensive in two locations
west of Saarbrucken and Neubreisach. Under orders from Generals
von Witzleben and Dollmann, they achieved the breakthrough.
And thus it was possible not
only to surround the gigantic front of the French resistance, but to dissolve it into little
and to force it to the well-known capitulation.
operations were crowned by the now generally beginning advance of the German
armies. At their head moved the incomparable
Panzer and motor divisions of the Army with
the goal of driving a left flank down the Rhone in the direction of Marseilles,
and a right flank
across the Loire in the direction of Bordeaux and the Spanish border. This was to destroy the
remains of the French Army, or rather to occupy French territory. I will report in
detail at a later point on the intervention
of our allies in this war.
When Marshal Petain offered France’s
laying down of arms, he was not laying down a
weapon he still held. Rather he merely put an end to a situation completely
in the eyes of every soldier. Only the bloody dilettantism of a Mr. Churchill either fails
as much or lies about it in spite of better knowledge.
In the second,
third, and last phase of this war, the following Army leaders distinguished
themselves as did the earlier mentioned generals:
Colonel General von Witzleben; the
Generals von Weichs, Dollmann, Strauss. The valiant divisions and standards of the
Waffen SS also fought within the framework of these armies.
express my gratitude and that of the German Volk to the aforementioned generals, in
their capacity as leaders of the
Army and Army Groups, this applies at the same time to all
other officers, all of whom it is not possible to mention
by name, and especially to all the
nameless workers of the General Staff.
In this battle, my Deputies, the rank and file of Germany has proved itself to be what it has
always been: the best
infantry in the world! And with it all other branches of the Army
compete: artillery and pioneers, and, above all, the
young units of our tanks and motorized
troops. The German Panzer weapon, through this war, has made its entry into world
The men of the Waffen SS share in the glory. Yet the communications
units, the construction
units of the pioneers, the railroad construction men, etc., are also worthy, in accordance with
their performance, of the highest praise we have to offer.
In the wake
of the armies followed the commandos of the Todt Organization, of the Reich
Labor Service, and of the NSKK, and these
also helped to repair roads, bridges, as well as to
restore order to traffic.
Within the framework of the Army, this time there also fought parts of the Flak artillery of our
Luftwaffe. At the
foremost front, they helped to break the enemy’s power of resistance andattack.
A detailed account of their effectiveness can be rendered only at a later date.
The Luftwaffe itself:
At dawn on the morning of May 10,
thousands of fighter planes and dive bombers, under the
cover of fighters and destroyers, descended on enemy airfields.
Within a few days
uncontested air superiority was assured. And not for one minute in the further course of the
was it allowed to slip.
Only where temporarily no German airplanes were
sighted, could enemy fighters and
bombers make short appearances. Besides this, their activities were restricted to night
The Field Marshal [Goering] had the Luftwaffe under his orders during this mission in the
Its tasks were:
1. to destroy the
enemy air forces, i.e. to remove these from the skies;
2. to support
directly or indirectly the fighting troops by uninterrupted attacks;
to destroy the enemy’s means of command and movement;
4. to wear
down and break the enemy’s morale and will to resist;
5. to land
parachute troops as advance units.
The manner of their deployment in
the operation in general, as well as their adjustment to the
tactical demands of the moment, was exceptional. Without
the valor of the Army, the
successes attained should never have been possible.
Equally true is it that, without the heroic mission of the Luftwaffe, the valor of the Army should
been for naught. Both Army and Luftwaffe are deserving of the greatest glory! The
deployment of the Luftwaffe in the
West took place under the personal command of Field
Marshal Goering. His Chief of Staff: Major General Jeschonnek.
Both aerial fleets stood under orders of General der Flieger Sperrle and General der
Flieger Kesselring. The Aviation Corps subordinate to them stood under orders of Generals
der Flieger Grauert and Keller,
Lieutenant General Loerzer, and Lieutenant General
Ritter von Greim, as well as of Major General Freiherr von Richthofen.
Both Flak Corps
stood under orders of Flak Artillery General Weise and Major General Dessloch. The Ninth
Division under Major General Coeler deserves special mention. The Commander of
the Parachute Troops, General der Flieger
Student, was severely wounded. The further
conduct of the battle in the air in Norway was orchestrated by General der
While millions of German soldiers of the Army, Luftwaffe,
and Waffen SS took part in these
battles, others could not be spared at home as they were needed for the buildup of the
reserve formations. Many of the most capable officers - as bitter as this was for them - were
forced to conduct
and oversee the training of those soldiers who, as reserve units, or perhaps
in new formations, were to go to the front
only later. Despite my sympathy for the inner
sentiments of those who felt at a disadvantage, the greater common interest,
as a matter
of principle, was decisive. Party and State, Army, Navy, Luftwaffe, and SS sent every
man to the front
whom they were able to spare somehow. Yet, without securing a
Replacement Army, a reserve air force, reserve SS formations,
as well as Party and
State in general, the war at the front could not have
As the organizers of the Replacement Army at home and of
the armament and supplies for
the Luftwaffe, the following have attained special merit: Artillery General Fromm and
General der Flieger Udet.
I cannot conclude the enumeration of all
these meritorious generals and admirals without
paying tribute to those who are my closest co-workers in the Staff of
the High Command of
Colonel General Keitel as Chief
of the High Command of the Wehrmacht, and Major
General Jodl as his Chief of Staff. They have made the greatest of contributions
realization of my plans and ideas throughout long months of many cares and much work.
An appreciation of the accomplishments of our Navy and its leaders will only be possible, to a
at the end of the war.
When I now conclude these purely military reflections
on events, truth compels me to
state the historic fact that none of this would have been possible without the
of the home front-or without, at its fore, the foundation, the work, and the
activities of the National Socialist Party.
Already in 1919, in the age of great decline, it proclaimed its program for the
of a German People’s Army and has stood up for it throughout the
decades with a zealous determination. Without
its activities, the conditions necessary
for both the re-emergence of the German Reich and the creation of a German
Wehrmacht would not have existed. Above all, it lent the struggle its ideological
(weltanschaulich) world view foundation.
To the senseless sacrifice of life of our
democratic opponents in the interests of their plutocracies, it opposes the
defense of a
Volksgemeinschaft. Its activities have resulted in a solidarity between front and
homeland, which regrettably
did not exist in the World War.
Volksgemeinschaft = the community of the German Volk
From its ranks, therefore, I should like to name the men, who along with
attained great merit in securing the opportunity to celebrate victory in a new Germany: Party
Reich Minister Hess, himself an old soldier of the World War, has been one of the
most loyal fighters for the erection
of the present state and its Wehrmacht ever since the early
days of the foundation of the Movement.
Party comrade Chief of Staff of the SA Lutze has organized the mass of millions of SA
in the sense of supporting the state to the utmost, and has secured its pre- and post-military
Party comrade Himmler has organized the entire security of our Reich as well as the units
the Waffen SS.
Party comrade Hierl has been the founder and leader
of the Reich Labor Service.
Party comrade Ley is the guarantor of the behavior
of the German worker.
Party comrade and Reich Minister Major General Todt is the organizer of the production of
and ammunition and has gained eternal merit as a master builder in the
construction of our massive, strategic [!] road
network as well as of the fortified front in the
Minister Goebbels is the leader of a propaganda apparatus whose
refinement is best ascertained [only] in comparison with
that of the World War.
Among the numerous organizations of the home front, there remain to be mentioned the
of the Kriegswinterhilfswerk, and of the NS Volkswohlfahrt under the
leadership of Party comrade Hilgenfeldt, as well
as the German Red Cross, and moreover
the Reich Air Defense Association under the leadership of Flak Artillery General
Kriegswinterhilfswerk = Krieg means war. The Winterhilfswerk (WHW, English: Winter Relief—literally
help work") was an annual drive by the Nationalsozialistische Volkswohlfahrt (the National
Welfare Organization) to help finance charitable work. Its slogan was "None shall
starve nor freeze". It ran
from 1933-1945 during the months of October through March, and was
designed to provide food, clothing, coal, and other
items to less fortunate Germans during the inclement
months. It's goals and efforts were expanded and intensified during
the war as a true demonstration of
solidarity of the German people on the home front/
NS Volkswohlfahrt = The Nationalsozialistische Volkswohlfahrt (NSV), meaning "National Socialist
Welfare" was a social welfare organization during the Third Reich. The NSV was established in
1933, shortly after
the NSDAP took power in Germany. Its seat was in Berlin. The structure of the NSV
was based on the NSDAP Party model,
with local, county (Kreis) and group administrations. During
World War II, the NSV took over more and more governmental
responsibilities, especially in the fields of
child and youth care / support.
I cannot conclude this tribute without thanking the one man who, for
years, has engaged
himself in loyal, untiring, self-devouring work to realize my foreign policy directives. The name
of Party comrade von Ribbentrop as Reich Foreign Minister shall remain tied for all
eternity to the political rise
of the German nation.
I have determined, as Fuehrer and Supreme Commander of the German Wehrmacht, to
honor the most meritorious
generals before the one forum which in truth represents
the entire German Volk. I must place at their forefront a man
to whom I have difficulty in
expressing sufficient gratitude for the services which tie his name to the Movement, to
State, and, above all, to the German Luftwaffe.
Since the days
of the foundation of the SA, Party Comrade Goering has been bound up
in the development and rise of the Movement. Since
we came to power, his capacity for
work and willingness to take responsibility have accomplished deeds in numerous
fields for the German Volk and the German Reich which cannot be excluded from the
history of our Volk and Reich.
Since the rebuilding of the German Wehrmacht, he has become the creator of the
German Luftwaffe. It is granted to only a few mortals to create in the course of their
a military instrument practically from nothing and to transform it into the
mightiest weapon of its kind in the world.
Above all, he has lent it his spirit.
Field Marshal Goering as creator
of the German Luftwaffe, and as an individual man,
has made the greatest contribution to the rebuilding of the German
Wehrmacht. As the
leader of the German Luftwaffe he has, in the course of the war up to date, created the
for victory. His merits are unequalled! I name him Reichsmarschall of the
Greater German Reich and award him the Grand
Cross of the Iron Cross.
[SNIP: This section has been omitted in the audio version,
with no disrespect intended to
these German heroes, but for the sake of flow, moving on to more essential information
greater interest to the average reader]
For services rendered to the victory of German
weaponry in the struggle for the
freedom and future of our Greater German Reich,
I hereby promote:
The Commander in Chief of the Army, Colonel General von Brauchitsch, to the rank of Field
Colonel General von Rundstedt, Commander in Chief of Army
Group A, to the rank of Field
Colonel General Ritter von
Leeb, Commander in Chief of Army Group C, to the rank of Field
Colonel General von Bock, Commander in Chief of Army Group B, to the rank of Field
Colonel General List, Commander in Chief of the Twelfth Army, to the rank of Field Marshal;
von Kluge, Commander in Chief of the Fourth Army, to the rank of Field
Colonel General von Witzleben, Commander in Chief of the First Army, to the rank of Field
Colonel General von Reichenau, Commander in Chief of the Sixth Army, to the rank of Field
General Halder, Chief of the General Staff of the Army, to the rank of Colonel General;
General Dollmann, Commander in Chief of the Seventh Army, to the rank of Colonel General;
General Freiherr von Weichs, Commander in Chief of the Second Army, to the rank of
General von Kuchler, Commander in Chief of the Eighteenth
Army, to the rank of Colonel
General Busch, Commander in
Chief of the Sixteenth Army, to the rank of Colonel General;
Strauss, Commander in Chief of the Ninth Army, to the rank of Colonel General;
General von Falkenhorst, Military Commander in Norway, to the rank of Colonel General;
General von Kleist, Commanding General of the Twenty-Second Army Corps, to the rank of
General Ritter von Schobert, Commanding General of the Seventh Army Corps, to the rank
General Guderian, Commanding General of the
Nineteenth Army Corps, to the rank of
Commanding General of the Fifteenth Army Corps, to the rank of Colonel
General Haase, Commanding General of the Third Army Corps, to the rank of Colonel
General Hoeppner, Commanding General of the Sixteenth Army Corps, to the rank of Colonel
General Fromm, Chief of Military Armament and Commander in
Chief of the Replacement
Army, to the rank of Colonel General.
consideration of unequaled services rendered
General Dietl, Commanding General of the Mountain Corps in Norway, to the rank
of Infantry General.
As the first officer with the German Wehrmacht, I award him the Oak
Leaves of the Knight’s
Cross of the Iron Cross.
Pending a later recognition of all the leaders
and officers of the Reich Navy,
Admiral Carls, the Commanding
Admiral of the Naval Station Baltic Sea and Commander in
Chief of the Naval Troops East, to the rank of Admiral General.
In appreciation of the unequaled accomplishments of the German
Colonel General Milch to the rank of Field
General der Flieger Sperrle to the rank of Field Marshal;
General der Flieger Kesselring to the rank of Field Marshal.
General der Flieger Stumpff to the rank of
General der Flieger Grauert to the rank of Colonel General;
General der Flieger Keller to the rank of Colonel General;
General of the Flak Artillery Weise to the rank of Colonel General;
General der Flieger Udet to the rank of Colonel General.
I promote to the rank of General der Flieger:
Lieutenant General Geissler;
Major General Jeschonnek;
Lieutenant General Loerzer;
Lieutenant General Ritter
and Major General Freiherr von Richthofen.
In my High
Command of the Wehrmacht I promote:
Colonel General Keitel to the rank
of Field Marshal;
Major General Jodl to the rank of Artillery General.
In announcing these promotions on the occasion of the most successful campaign in
history, before this forum and so before the entire nation, I thereby honor the entire
Wehrmacht of the National Socialist
Greater German Reich.
[END SNIP: Audio narration
I cannot conclude my reflections on this battle without
thinking of our ally here.
Ever since there has been a National Socialist
regime, its foreign policy has embraced
1. bringing about
a true understanding and friendship with Italy and,
2. bringing about the same relationship with England.
My Party Comrades, you know that I was as driven by these conceptions twenty years ago
I was later. I have dealt with and defended these ideas as a journalist and in my speeches
countless times, as
long as I myself was a mere opposition leader in the democratic republic.
I immediately undertook, as soon as the German Volk entrusted me with its leadership,
to realize these oldest goals
of National Socialist foreign policy in practical terms. It
still saddens me today that, in spite of all my endeavors,
I have not succeeded in
obtaining this friendship with England which, I believe, should have been a blessing
both peoples; and especially because I was not able to do so despite my persistent,
sincere efforts. However, I am all
the more happy that at least the first point in this program
of my foreign policy was in fact realized.
This I owe, above all, to the genius who today stands at the head of the Italian people.
For it was possible only owing to his epoch-making activities for the two intellectually
related revolutions to find
each other, to finally seal in jointly-shed blood the alliance
which is destined to procure a new life for Europe. That
I myself have the honor to be a
friend of this man gladdens me all the more, in view of the unique story of his life,
evidence of as many similarities to my own as our two revolutions do to each other, and,
as does the history of the unification and rise of our two nations.
since the resurrection of the German Volk, we have heard many voices of
understanding from Italy. On the foundation of
this mutual understanding grew a living
community of interests. And finally this was set down in treaties. And when,
contrary to my expressed will and desire, this war was forced on the German Reich, a
the further conduct of our two states involved Mussolini and myself.
The benefit derived for the Reich from the behavior
of Italy was extraordinary. Not only
economically did we profit from the situation and the stance of Italy, but also
From the beginning, Italy tied down strong forces of our
enemies and curtailed above
all their freedom of strategic disposition. And when the Duce determined that the time
had come to take a stand with the weapon in his fist against the unbearable and
persistent violation of Italy, damage
done in particular by French and British
transgression, and the King issued the declaration of war, then this was done
complete freedom of decision. All the greater must our gratitude be.
The intercession of Italy has sped up and assisted in opening France’s eyes to the
utter hopelessness of continued
And ever since, our ally has fought on the peaks and ridges
of the Alps and now on the vast
plains encompassed in his sphere of interest.
Especially his present air attacks and battles at
sea are being led with the spirit peculiar to the Fascist Revolution.
Here they elicit the spirit
which binds National Socialism to Fascist Italy. Italy’s pain is Germany’s pain,
as we have
experienced in recent days in view of the death of Balbo. Its joy is our joy.
And our cooperation in the political and military fields is a complete one. It will erase
done the German and Italian peoples throughout the centuries. For, at the
end of everything, stands the shared victory!
And when I now turn to speak of the future, my Deputies, I do so not to boast or brag.
can well leave up to others who are in greater need of it, as for example Mr. Churchill.
What I want to do is to paint a picture of the present situation, bare of exaggeration, as it is
I see it.
1. The course of events in the ten months of war now lying
behind us has proved my
assessments correct and those of our adversaries incorrect:
When the British so-called statesmen assure us that their country emerges strengthened from
and failure, then it surely is no arrogance when I inform them that we emerge at
least equally strengthened from our
On September 1 of the year now past, I already explained to
you that, come what may,
neither the force of weapons nor time shall force Germany to the ground. The Reich
stands stronger militarily than ever before.
We have seen the losses,
individually surely heavy, though as a total relatively low, which the
German Wehrmacht has suffered in battle within
the past three months. When you consider
that, within this time, we erected a front which reaches from the North Cape
Spanish border, then our losses are extraordinarily low, especially when compared with
those of the World
The cause lies - besides with the, on an average, excellent leadership-with
outstanding tactical training of the individual soldier and of the units, as well as with
the cooperation among
the branches of the service.
Another cause is to be found with the quality
and efficiency of the new weaponry.
A third cause lies with the conscious refusal to pursue what is called prestige.
have, on principle, labored to avoid any attack or operation which was not necessary in
the context of
the actual annihilation of the adversary, but was instead to be carried
out for the sake of what was regarded as prestige.
In spite of all of this, naturally, we had anticipated far higher losses in many instances.
manpower saved will benefit us in the further pursuit of the struggle for freedom forced
upon us. At present,
many of our divisions in France are being withdrawn and reassigned to
their bases at home. Many men are able to take
leaves of absence. Weaponry and equipment
are being either repaired or replaced by new material. All in all, the Wehrmacht
stronger than ever before.
Weaponry: The loss of weaponry in Norway, especially in the campaigns against
Holland, Belgium, and France, is void of
any significance. It stands in no relation to
production. Army and Luftwaffe possess at this moment-as I am speaking
equipment more complete and stronger than before we intervened in the West.
3. Ammunition: Provisions for ammunition were so well executed, the stocks are so
vast, that in many areas
production must now be curtailed or rerouted since the
existing depots and warehouses, even given the greatest of efforts,
in part are no
longer capable of absorbing further deliveries. As in Poland, the consumption of
ammunition was unexpectedly
low. It stands in no relation to the stockpiles. The total
reserves of the Army and the Luftwaffe are higher at present,
for all categories of
weapons, than before the attack in the West.
4. Raw materials essential to the war effort: Thanks to the Four-Year Plan, Germany
was prepared for the greatest of
strains in an exemplary fashion. No armed forces in
the world, other than Germany’s Wehrmacht, have so benefited
from a shift away from
imported raw materials essential to the war effort to such as can be found within the
Thanks to the work of the Reichsmarschall, this transformation of the German
into a war economy characterized by self-sufficiency was already achieved in
peacetime. [!] We possess reserves of the
two most important raw materials, coal and
iron, in what I may well term an unlimited quantity. Fuel supplies are more
for consumption. The capacities of our production are increasing and, within a short
time, they will
suffice - even should imports cease-to satisfy demand completely.
advance metal collections have so increased our metal reserves that we can face a
war of no matter what duration. We
shall reign supreme no matter what happens.
Added to this are the enormous
possibilities that come from a yet immeasurable loot
and including the development of the territories we have occupied.
Germany and Italy
possess, within the confines of the area they regulate and control, an economic
potential of about
200 million people, of whom only 130 million are soldiers, with
seventy million free to be employed exclusively in different
[Editor's note – I found the above statement astonishing and perplexing, but it is in fact what he said.
reflection, however, Germany and Italy at this point did, for all intents and purposes, control
almost all of western
Europe. The 130 Million soldiers must therefore have referred to, not only regular
forces, but reservists, and all those
who had some military training, and would have to also have
included females. His vision, or presumption, it seems, would
be that these would also fight with
Germany and Italy to defend all of continental Europe.]
I informed you on September 1, my Deputies, that for the
further conduct of the war I had
ordered the initial implementation of a new Five-Year Plan. I can now assure you that
measures to this end have been taken. Come what may, I now no longer regard time as a
threatening factor, not
even in a general sense. This time, the measures taken in a timely
fashion have also secured foodstuffs for a war of
no matter how long a duration.
5. The attitude of the German Volk: Thanks
to National Socialist education, the German
Volk has not approached this war with the superficiality of a “hurrah”
with the zealous determination of a race which knows the fate awaiting it should it
suffer defeat. The endeavors to subvert this unity, launched by the propaganda of our
are as stupid as they are ineffective. Ten months of war have rendered this
zealousness all the more profound. And, in
general, it is a great misfortune that the
world’s opinion is not formed by men who see things as they are, but
by men who see
them as they want them to be!
[NOTE approx. 60 seconds of inaudible, damaged content removed but the text is in
which follows, and is included in the English audio narration]
In the last days, I have seen
through and studied countless documents from the Allied
Headquarters. Among other things, these contain reports on the
Germany, or memoranda on the disposition and inner attitude of the German Volk. The
authors of these
reports were, in part, also diplomats. Reading through these reports,
one cannot help wondering whether their authors
were blind, stupid, or simply vile
scoundrels. I will admit without further ado that, naturally, here in Germany also
have been, and perhaps still are today, certain individuals who have watched the Third
with a feeling akin to regret. Incorrigible reactionaries or blind
nihilists may well be saddened in their hearts that
things came out not as they had
willed them. But their numbers are ridiculously small and their significance is smaller
Regrettably, this scum of the nation appears to have been chosen
by the outside world
as a measuring stick by which to assess the German Volk. And from this, the sick minds
statesmen derive the last points of orientation to cling to for new hope. As needed,
the British warlords designate a
“General Hunger” or an “imminent revolution” as their new
allies. There is no nonsense that these
people would not dish up for their own nation in
order to cling to their positions for yet a few more weeks.
The German Volk has proved, above all, its inner attitude through its sons who are
fighting on the battlefield. Within weeks they have beaten Germany’s strongest military
adversary and have destroyed
him. Their spirit was and remains the spirit of the
6. The surrounding world: In the eyes of English politicians, their last hopes, besides those
resting with the loyal
and allied nations, lie with a series of propped-up heads of state without
thrones; statesmen without subjects; and generals
without armies; as well as on renewed
complications they believe they can conjure up thanks to their well-proven deftness
matters. A true Ahasuerus amongst these hopes is the belief in a possible new
estrangement to separate Germany
Ahasuerus = a reference to the King of Persia in the Talmudic Book of Esther and reflects the
ever-changing positions. Initially, he is a benevolent leader entertaining the populace with banquets and
Quickly he is persuaded by Haman to support a genocidal massacre. And then, just as
quickly,, Esther turns him into an
ally of the Jews, determined to execute vengeance on Haman and his
relations have been established for good.
The reason for this was that England and France, with the support of certain
states, incessantly attributed to Germany ambitions to conquer terrain which lay
completely outside the sphere of German interests. Suddenly it was said, that Germany
was eyeing the occupation
of the Ukraine; then again it sought to invade Finland; at
another time it was claimed that Romania was threatened; then
finally even Turkey was
Given these circumstances, I
held it to be proper to undertake, above all, with Russia, a
sober delineation of interests, to once and for all clarify
what Germany believes it must
regard as its sphere of interest in securing its future, and what in turn Russia holds
be vital to its existence.
Based on this clear delineation of
mutual spheres of interest, the Russo- German
relationship was revised. It is childish to hope that in the course of
tensions might arise anew between Germany and Russia.
Germany has not stepped outside its sphere of interest, and neither has Russia. England
is deceived in its hope of
bringing about a new European crisis to reprieve its own
situation, insofar as the relationship of Germany to Russia
is concerned. Though the
British statesmen are chronically slow in their comprehension of almost everything, they will
surely come to understand this in the course of time.
I fancy I (have)
correctly forecast the future development of this war in my speech of October
6. I assure you, my Deputies, that not
for a moment could I doubt victory. And, unless one
feels the need to see signs and guarantees for the final victory
exclusively in defeats, then I
believe that the course of events up to this point has proved me right. As I was certain
this course of events, I offered my hand to France and England at the time for an
understanding. You still recall
the answer that I received. My arguments against the
nonsense of pursuing this war, on the certainty of gaining nothing,
even under the
most favorable of circumstances, and of losing much, were mocked and scoffed at, or
I promptly assured you then that I feared, because of my peace proposal, to be decried
as a cockerel who no longer wants to fight because he is no longer able to fight. And
this is exactly what happened.
I now believe that France - less the guilty statesmen
than the people-thinks differently about this October 6 today.
What nameless misery
has befallen this great country and people since then. I shall not even mention the toll
suffering the war has placed on the soldier. For above this stands the suffering
caused by the recklessness of those
who drove millions of people from their homes
without proper cause, who were compelled by the thought that this might
hamper the German war effort. This premise defied comprehension: this evacuation
was mostly to the detriment
of the Allied war effort and, moreover, it was the most
cruel experience for the unfortunate afflicted. The injury the
gentlemen Churchill and
Reynaud have done millions of people, through their advice and commands-this they
justify in this world nor in the next.
All of this - as I said - need
not have happened. For peace was all I asked of France and
England in October. But the gentlemen war profiteers wanted
a continuation of this war
at all cost. They have it now.
am too much a soldier not to comprehend the tragedy of such a development.
all I hear from London are cries - not the cries of the masses, but of the politicians
- that this war must now, all
the more, be pursued. I do not know if these politicians
have an inkling of just how this war is in fact to be pursued.
They declare that they will
continue this war, and should England fall, then they will do so from Canada. I do not
believe this means that the English people will all emigrate to Canada, but rather that
the gentlemen war profiteers
will all retreat to Canada by themselves. I fear the people
will have to remain behind in England. And, assuredly, they
will see the war with
different eyes in London than their so-called leaders in Canada.
Believe me, my Deputies, I feel an inner disgust at this type of unscrupulous
of peoples and states. It is almost painful to me to have
been chosen by Providence to give a shove to what these men
have brought to the
point of falling.
It was not my ambition to
wage wars, but to build up a new social state of the highest
culture. And every year of war takes me away from my work.
And the cause of this
robbery is those ludicrous zeroes whom one could at best call nature’s political run of
the mill, insofar as their corrupted vileness does not brand them as something out of
Mr. Churchill has repeated the declaration that he wants war. About six weeks ago
he launched this war in an arena in which he apparently believes he is quite
strong: namely, in the air war against the
civilian population, albeit beneath the
deceptive slogan of a so-called war against military objectives. Ever since Freiburg,
these objectives have turned out to be open cities, markets, villages, residential
housing, hospitals, schools, kindergartens,
and whatever else happens to be hit.
Up to now I have given little by
way of response. This is not intended to signal,
however, that this is the only response possible or that it shall remain
I am fully aware that with our response, which one day will
come, will also come the
nameless suffering and misfortune of many men. Naturally, this does not apply to Mr.
himself since by then he will surely be secure in Canada, where the money
and the children of the most distinguished
of war profiteers have already been
brought. But there will be great tragedy for millions of other men!
And Mr. Churchill should make an exception and place trust in me when as a prophet I
now proclaim: A great world empire will be destroyed. A world empire which I never
had the ambition to destroy or as
much as harm. Alas, I am fully aware that the
continuation of this war will end only in the complete shattering of one
of the two
warring parties. Mr. Churchill may believe this to be Germany. I know it to be England!
In this hour I feel compelled, standing before my conscience, to direct yet another
appeal to reason in
England. I believe I can do this as I am not asking for something as
the vanquished, but rather, as the victor! I am
speaking in the name of reason! I see no
compelling reason which could force the continuation of this war!
I regret the sacrifices it will demand. I would like to spare my Volk. I know the hearts
millions of men and boys aglow at the thought of finally being allowed to wage battle
against an enemy who has, without reasonable cause, declared war on us a second
But I also know of the women and mothers at home whose hearts, despite their
willingness to sacrifice
to the last, hang onto this last with all their might.
may well belittle my declaration again, crying that it was nothing other
than a symptom of my fear, or my doubts of the
Still I will have an easy conscience in view of things
Deputies, Men of the German Reichstag!
In reflecting on the ten months lying behind us, all of us will surely feel overcome by
the grace of Providence
which allowed us to accomplish so great a task. It has blessed
our resolves and stood by us on many a difficult path.
I myself am touched in
recognition of the calling it imparted to me to restore freedom and honor to my Volk!
The disgrace we suffered for twenty-two years and which had its beginnings in the
of Compiegne was erased forever at the very same site!
Today I have named
the men who, before history, enabled me to accomplish this great
task. They have done their best, dedicating their talents
and their industry to the
I now wish to conclude in
mentioning all those nameless men who have no less done their
duty. Millions of them have risked life and liberty and,
as brave German officers and soldiers,
have been ready at every hour to make the last sacrifice a man can make.
Today many of them rest in the same graves in which their fathers have rested since the
Great War. They bear evidence to silent heroism. They stand as a symbol for all those
hundreds of thousands of musketeers,
anti-tank gunners and tank gunners, pioneers and
artillerymen, soldiers of the Navy and the Luftwaffe, men of the Waffen
SS, and all those
other fighters who stood for the German Wehrmacht in the struggle for the freedom
and future of
our Volk and for the eternal greatness of the National Socialist Greater
And what was
JEW controlled Britain's response to Hitler's sincere "leaflet bombing?" Laughter, ridicule,
insults, threats, and more bombs, that's what! Churchill could have ended this little regional skirmish long before
it escalated into the intercontinental bloodbath now known as World War II, the "Good War" as
court-historians like to say.
UK warmonger Sefton Delmer, the future head and mastermind of British
black propaganda, was just about to make his debut broadcast to Germany on the BBC when he
heard the Führer's "last appeal to reason." Delmer rejected any notion of a compromise peace.
Bigmouth Delmer announced:
Hitler," you have in the past consulted me as to the mood of the British public.
So permit me to render your Excellency this little service once again tonight. Let me tell you
what we here in Britain think of this appeal of yours to what you are pleased to call our
reason and common sense. Herr Führer, we hurl it right back at you, right in your evil smelling
Delmer's inflamatory statement upset a few peace-minded Members of Parliament, but undoubtedly
pleased Churchill, his Jewish handlers, and other assorted "pariots" very much.
Black propagandist Delmer keeps the war-fires
burning. Ignorant British soldier shown laughing as he reads Hitler's leaflet.
During his July, 1940 speech, which Hitler later leafleted London with, he pleaded for peace. Meanwhile,
the British government shamelessly frightened its own people with idiotic tales
of imminent German gas attacks.
Hitler on National Socialism and World Relations in 1937
Hitler speaks to the Reichstag on January 30, 1937, noting that Germany was once again an equal among European
nations, and had regained its strength by following his National Socialist programme .
By Carolyn Yeager
WATCH OUR NATIONS SUCCUMB to multiculturalism, globalism, rioting and unbridgeable racial divisions that threaten
our peace and stymie our search for solutions, Adolf Hitler would tell us that we have broken the first law of
Nature which is to preserve the race, and are thus reaping Nature's promised punishment.
No matter what subject Hitler was speaking on, or what the occasion, he seldom
failed to include reminders of the necesssity to respect the separation of the races and nations. He delivered
an important speech in the German Reichstag on January 30, 1937 as Führer and Chancellor. It was published
under the title “On National Socialism and World Relations.” In reading it for the first time at Archive.org, I copied passages that struck me as particularly meaningful, and which powerfully express the unwavering essence of Hitler's
idea. They are the following:
“The main plank in the National Socialist programme is to abolish the liberalistic concept of the individual
and the Marxist concept of humanity and to substitute therefore the folk community, rooted in the soil and
bound together by the bond of its common blood. A very simple statement; but it involves a principle that has tremendous
consequences.” (P 10)
This very clear statement rules out that Adolf Hitler was any kind of a universalist when it
comes to so-called white people and that he would not approve of the European Union as it has been set up. At the
time he said this (1937) he had not visualized a war that would turn Germany into the occupier of large portions
of Europe. He was only visualizing German people being brought home into an expanded German Reich.
“[…] of all the tasks which we
have to face, the noblest and most sacred for mankind is that each racial species must preserve the purity
of the blood which God has given it.” (P 10)
This shows that Hitler saw his revolution as an internal, German event, not including all of Europe at all.
His position was that others would show interest in it for themselves if it were successful in Germany.
“...one error that cannot be remedied once men have made it
… failure to recognize the importance of conserving the blood and the race free from intermixture …
It is not for men to discuss the question
of why Providence created different races, but rather to recognize the fact that it punishes those who disregard
its work of creation.” (P 10)
Hitler sees it as a law of Nature rather than as an idea of men of which the pros and cons can
be discussed. It is not up for discussion because it is an iron law, the breaking of which contains the punishment
“It will prevent
the Jewish people from intruding themselves among all the other nations as elements of internal disruption, under
the mask of honest world citizens, and thus gaining power over these nations.” (P 11)
Jews are the greatest source of disruption
of the unity of a people, as proven by the rejuvenation of the German nation during the past four years since
“The people—the race—is
the primary thing. Party, State, Army, the national economic structure, Justice, etc, all these are only secondary
and accidental. They are only the means to the end and the end is the preservation of this nation.”
“It is absolutely necessary that this principle should be practically
recognized; for that is the only way in which men can be saved from becoming the victims of a devitalized set
of dogmas in a matter where dogmas are entirely out of place.” (P 16)
Think about this. A nation is not an Idea, but a living, breathing
body of folk bound by land, language and ancestry.
the folk-community does not exist on the fictitious value of money but on the results of productive labor, which
is what gives money its value.
and not a bank or gold reserve, is the first cover for a currency. And if I increase production, I increase the
real income of my fellow-citizens. And if I reduce production, I reduce that income, no matter what wages are
paid out.” (P 23)
higher the ratio of citizens who are incapable of productive labor, the poorer a nation will be.
The whole body of our German education, including
the press, the theatre, the cinema and literature, is being controlled and shaped today by men and women of
our own race. Some time ago one often heard it said that if Jewry were expelled from these institutions they
would collapse or become deserted. And now what has happened? In all those branches cultural and artistic activities
are flourishing. Our films are better than ever before and our theatrical productions today in our leading theatres
stand supreme and alone in comparison with the rest of the world. Our press has become a powerful instrument to
help our people in bringing their innate faculties to self-expression and assertion, and by so doing it strengthens the
nation. German science is active and is producing results which will one day bear testimony to the creative and
constructive will of this epoch. (P 26)
The Third Reich did indeed prove that Jews are not better than Gentiles at certain
tasks, and that they are certainly not essential for competing internationally.
“Mr. Eden declares that under no circumstances does the British Government
wish to see Europe torn into two halves.” […]
is to be regretted that the British Government did not adopt its present attitude at an earlier date, … for
then the Treaty of Versailles would not have been entered into. This Treaty brought in the first division
of Europe, namely a division of the nations into victors on the one side and vanquished on the other, the
latter nations being outlawed. Through this division of Europe nobody suffered more than the German people.
That this division was wiped out, so far as concerns Germany, is essentially due to the National Socialist Revolution
and this brings some credit to myself.” (P 34)
Hitler's first task was to undo the terrible and unfair damage of the Versailles Treaty which
was forced upon the German people in 1919. He rightly takes credit for that accomplishment in the first years of
his chancellorship, while also pointing out Britain's hypocrisy since it conducted a starvation naval blockade against Germany after the signing of the Armistice, and even continuing after the signing of the Versailles Treaty.
Hundreds of thousands of German women, children and infants suffered needlessly and died.
"The teaching of Bolshevism is that there must be a world revolution,
which would mean world-destruction. […] As far as Germany is concerned, let there be no doubts on the following
We look on Bolshevism
as a world peril for which there must be no toleration.
We use every means in our power to keep this peril away
from our people.
And we are trying to make the German people immune to this peril as far as possible."
because of its central location in Europe and its wealth and competence, was a particularly desirable target of
"I should like
to state that, complete German sovereignty and equality having now been restored, Germany will never sign a treaty
which is in any way incompatible with her honour; with the honour of the nation and of the Government which represents
it; or which otherwise is incompatible with Germany's vital interest and therefore in the long run cannot be kept.
I believe that this statement will be understood by all."
Indeed, Hitler was
not willing to sign a treaty of unconditional surrender in 1944-45 and no such treaty was ever signed by a German
Government until the Two Plus Four Agreement was signed in 1990 by the West and East occupation governments.