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Click on this text to hear Hitler explain why he took action against the JEWS - True then, True now




Hitler's Normal Speaking Voice
Explaining His Decision to Attack the USSR

Recording, with English text translation, of Hitler speaking during a luncheon with Finnish leaders.
This is the only recording of the German leader talking at length in his normal,
conversational voice. Hitler visited Finland on June 4, 1942, to meet with that country’s
military commander, Marshal Mannerheim, President Ryti, and Prime Minister Rangell.
(Finland and Germany were World War II allies against the Soviet Union.) An engineer
of the Finnish broadcasting company YLE had placed a microphone near where the
men shared a meal in a railroad dining car, and thereby recorded a portion of their
lengthy conversation. This is the only known recording of Hitler speaking in his “normal,”
conversational voice. Here’s a portion, along with an English translation.
Hitler talks about his fateful decision to strike against the USSR. Runtime: 11:22 mins.

 Hitler's Reichstag Speech July 19, 1940 ...
Hitlers Speech in the Lustgarten, May 1939


By July of 1940, Germany is in complete control of the war which had been imposed upon it. The Polish aggressor has been defeated, peace with France has been established, and Hitler has graciously allowed the British to evacuate the continent (at Dunkirk), leaving their equipment behind. Furthermore, the Soviet Union and the United States are not even in the war. So then, with Germany 'holding all the cards', and Churchill now bombing German civilians, what does Hitler do? He continues to plea for an end to the sensless war - with no strings attached.


Most students of real history already know this. But did you know that Hitler went so far as to airdrop mass quantities of 'peace leaflets' over London? It's true. The 4-page leaflets were English-language copies of his recent speech before the German nation, a speech which the Germans arranged to have broadcast on hundreds of radio stations across Europe. The July 19th speech was entitled: "A Last Appeal to Reason".


Dropped over London the day after, the leaflet summarizes the injustices inflicted upon Germany after the Great War of 1914-1918, warns of the machinations of the Jewish warmongers and their henchmen, and finally closes with Hitler’s plea to call off the war...

The Speech of the Fuehrer, Adolf Hitler, in the Reichstag, Berlin, 19. July 1940
Declaration of Victory over France and the British Forces in the Western Campaign

EDITOR'S NOTE: The session opened with a very moving speech by the Deputy Fuehrer, Reichsmarschall
Hermann Goering, paying tribute to fallen of both the German and then the Italians. He also spoke again
following the speech by Adolf Hitler, the text of his speech are not available, but both speeches are included in
the original German audio archive.

I have provided some definitions and annotations within the body of the text of Hitler's speech for clarity..
Adolf Hitler:

Deputies, Men of the German Reichstag!

In the midst of the mighty struggle for the freedom and future of the German nation, I have
called on you to gather for this session today. The grounds for it are: to give our Volk insight
into the historic uniqueness of the events we have lived through; to express our thanks to the
deserving soldiers; and to direct, once again and for the last time, an appeal to general

(Das Volk = the united German people, as a single entity, with a distinct culture, language, heritage,
customs, beliefs and traditions, etc and not synonymous with simple translation as Folk or “the people” in

Whoever contrasts the factors which triggered this historic conflict with the extent, the
greatness, and consequence of the military occurrences, must realize that the events and
sacrifices of this struggle stand in no relation to the alleged causes, unless these causes
themselves were but pretexts for intentions yet concealed.

The program of the National Socialist Revolution, insofar as it concerned the future
development of the Reich’s relations with the surrounding world, was an attempt to
obtain a revision of the Treaty of Versailles under all circumstances-and as far as this
was possible-by peaceful means.

This revision was by nature a necessity. The untenability of the provisions of Versailles lay not
only in the humiliating discrimination, the disarmament of the German Volk secured with the
result that they lost their rights, but above all in the resultant material destruction of the
present and the intended destruction of the future of one of the greatest civilized peoples in
the world, in the completely senseless accumulation of vast terrains under the mastery of a
few states, in the depriving of the losers of irreplaceable foundations for life and indispensable
vital goods.

The fact that insightful men on the side of the adversary, even while this Diktat was being
composed, warned against the conclusive realization of the terms of this work of lunacy, is
proof of the persuasion prevalent even in these ranks that it would be impossible to maintain
this Diktat in the future. Their misgivings and their protests were silenced by the
assurance that the statutes of the newly created League of Nations secured the
possibility of a revision of these provisions, indeed that it was authorized for such a
At no time was hope for a revision regarded as something improper, butalways as something quite natural.
Regrettably, contrary to the will of the men responsible for the Versailles Diktat, the
institution in Geneva never regarded itself as an agency for procuring sensible
revisions, but rather, from the beginning, as the custodian of the ruthless
implementation and maintenance of the provisions of Versailles. All endeavors of
democratic Germany failed to obtain, by means of revision, an equality of rights for the
German Volk.
Diktat noun:
1. a harsh, punitive settlement or decree imposed unilaterally on a defeated nation, political party, etc.
2. any decree or authoritative statement: The Board of Education issued a diktat that all employees must
report an hour earlier.

Origin: 1930–35; < German: literally, something dictated < Latin dictātus, past participle of dictāre to
dictate http://dictionary.reference.com/browse/diktat

It lies in the interest of the victor to portray as universally sanctified those conditions
that benefit him, while the essence of the instinct of self-preservation compels the
vanquished to strive for a restoration of his general human rights. For him this Diktat
penned by an arrogant enemy has even less force of law insofar as the victory of this
enemy was a dishonest one. It was a rare misfortune that the German Reich was led
exceedingly badly in the years 1914 to 18 ! To this, and to the not otherwise instructed
trust and faith of the German Volk in the word of democratic statesmen, must our fall
be ascribed.

It was thus that the joint British-French endeavor to portray the Versailles Treaty as
some type of international or higher justice must have appeared to every honest
German as nothing other than an insolent usurpation. The supposition that British or
French statesmen of all people were custodians of justice itself, or even of human
culture, was a stupid effrontery. It was an affront which is sufficiently elucidated by
their own inferior performances in these fields. For rarely has this world been
governed with a greater deficit of cleverness, morality, and culture than in that part of it
which is presently at the mercy of the fury of certain democratic statesmen.

The National Socialist Movement has, besides its delivery from the Jewish-capitalist
shackles imposed by a plutocratic-democratic, dwindling class of exploiters at home,
pronounced its resolve to free the Reich from the shackles of the Diktat of Versailles
abroad. The German demands for a revision were an absolute necessity, a matter of
course for the existence and the honor of any great people. Posterity will some day
come to regard them as exceedingly modest.

All these demands had to be carried through, in practice against the will of the British-
French potentates! Now more than ever we all see it as a success of the leadership of
the Third Reich that the realization of these revisions was possible for years without
resort to war. This was not the case-as the British and French demagogues would have
it - because we were not then in a position to wage war. When it finally appeared as
though, thanks to a gradually awakening common sense, a peaceful resolution of the
remaining problems could be reached through international cooperation, the
agreement concluded in this spirit on September 29, 1938, at Munich by the four great
states, predominantly involved, was not welcomed by public opinion in
London and Paris, but was condemned as a despicable sign of weakness.

The Jewish-capitalist warmongers, their hands covered with blood, saw in the possible
success of such a peaceful revision the vanishing of plausible grounds for the
realization of their insane plans. Once again that conspiracy of pitiful, corrupt political
creatures and greedy financial magnates made its appearance, for whom war is a
welcome means to bolster business. The International Jewish poison of the peoples
began to agitate against and to corrode healthy minds. Men of letters [authors, writers
of letters to editors] set out to portray decent men who desired peace as weaklings and
traitors, to denounce opposition parties as a “fifth column,” in order to eliminate
internal resistance to their criminal policy of war. Jews and Freemasons, armament
industrialists and war profiteers, international traders and stock-jobbers [market
speculators] , found political blackguards: desperados and glory seekers who
represented war as something to be yearned for and hence wished for.

It is to be ascribed to these criminal elements that the Polish State was incited to
assume a posture which stood in no relation to the German demands and even less to
the consequences that resulted. The German Reich, in particular with regard to Poland,
has shown restraint ever since the National Socialist rise to power. One of the basest
and stupidest provisions of the Versailles Diktat, namely the tearing away of an old
German province from the Reich, already cried for a revision in and of itself.
But what was it that I demanded at the time?

I must in this context refer to my own person. No other statesman could have afforded to
propose a solution to the German nation in the way I did. It comprised merely the return of
Danzig - that is to say of an ancient, purely German city - to the Reich as well as the
creation of a connection of the Reich to its severed province. And this only pursuant to
plebiscites conducted, in turn, under the auspices of an international forum.
If Mr. Churchill or any other warmongers had but a fraction of the sense of
responsibility I felt toward Europe, they could not have played so perfidious a game.

For it need be ascribed solely to these vested interests in war, both within Europe and
beyond, that Poland rejected the proposals which neither compromised its existence
nor its honor, and instead resorted to terror and arms. And it was truly superhuman
restraint, without precedent, which for months led us, in spite of persistent
assassination attempts on ethnic Germans-yes, indeed, in spite of the slaughter of
tens of thousands of German Volksgenossen [our people], to continue to search for a
path toward peaceful understanding.

For what was the situation like?

One of the creations of the Diktat of Versailles, the most divorced from reality, a bogy
[Poland], inflated militarily and politically, insulted a state [Germany] for many months,
threatening to beat it, to fight battles before [at] Berlin, to smash the German Army to
pieces, to transfer the border to the Oder or the Elbe [rivers] ; it went on and on. And
this other state, Germany, watched the goingson patiently for months, although one
good swipe would have sufficed for us to burst this bubble, that was inflated by
stupidity and arrogance!
On September 2, this struggle could yet have been avoided. Mussolini made a proposal to put
an immediate end to the hostilities and to negotiate peacefully. Though Germany saw its
armies advancing victoriously, I accepted this nonetheless. But the Anglo-French
warmongers needed war, not peace.

And they needed a long war, as Mr. Chamberlain put the matter at the time. It was to
last for at least three years, since they had in the meantime invested their capital in the
armament industry, bought the necessary machinery, and now needed the
precondition of time for the thriving of their business and for the amortization of their
investments. And besides: what are Poles, Czechs, or other such nationalities to these
citizens of the world?

A German soldier found a curious document while rummaging through train wagons at
the La Charite station on June 19, 1940. He immediately handed over the document-which
bore a particular remark-to his superiors at departmental headquarters. From there the paper
passed to agencies. It became clear that what had been discovered constituted evidence in a
most important investigation. The train station was once more thoroughly searched. And it
was thus that the High Command of the Wehrmacht came into possession of a collection of
documents of unique historical significance.

What was found were the secret files of the Allied High War Council, including the
protocols of all sessions of this illustrious association. And this time it shall not be
possible for Mr. Churchill to simply deny or to lie about the authenticity of these
documents, as he had attempted to do at the time in the case of documents found in
Warsaw. For these documents feature handwritten notes in the margins penned by
Gamelin, Daladier, Weygand, and so on. Hence these gentlemen are free either to admit
to these or to disown them at any time. And these documents enlighten us as to the
dealings of these gentlemen who have an interest in the war and in its expansion.

They will above all demonstrate how these cold-blooded politicians and military men
have used all these small peoples as a means to an end; how they tried to subject
Finland to their interests; how they determined to make Norway and Sweden the
theater of war; how they planned to set fire to the Balkans to procure the assistance of
100 divisions from there; how they prepared to bomb Batum and Baku under the cover
of a shrewd as well as unscrupulous reading of the Turkish neutrality in favor of their
own interests; how they spun their web around the Netherlands and Belgium, pulling
its strings constantly tighter, and finally engaging them in general staff agreements; as
well as many other things.

The documents afford us, moreover, a good picture of the entire amateurish method
which these policy-making warmongers employed in an attempt to contain the fire they
had kindled. These speak of their military pseudo-democracy which is jointly
responsible for the gruesome fate which they have inflicted on hundreds of thousands
and millions of soldiers of their own countries; of their barbaric lack of conscience
which led them to drive their own peoples from their homes in cold blood and
deliberately, in a mass evacuation whose military consequences were not necessarilyfavorable to them,
while the general human results were shockingly gruesome.
The same criminals are at the same time responsible for whipping up the Poles and inciting
them to war. Eighteen days later this campaign ended-for all practical purposes.
For a second time in the war, I spoke to the German Volk from this stand on October 6, 1939.
I was then able to report to it the glorious military defeat of the Polish State. I then also
directed an appeal to reason to the men responsible in the enemy states and to their
peoples. I warned against further pursuit of the war, the consequences of which could
only be devastating. I warned the French especially not to start a war which, by
necessity, would eat its way inward from the frontier and which, irrespective of its
outcome, would have dire consequences.

At this time, I directed an appeal to the rest of the world as well. However, as I said
then, I did so with the apprehension that not only might I not be heard, but that thereby
I might only elicit the wrath of the warmongers interested. And this is precisely what
came to pass.

The responsible elements in England and France smelt a rat, seeing my appeal as a
dangerous assault on their lucrative profiteering in the war.

Thus they hurriedly and eagerly declared that any thought of an understanding was a
waste of time - yes, that this would even have to be regarded as a crime. The war had to be
pursued in the name of culture, humanity, good fortune, progress, civilization, and - Good
God!- even in the name of sacred religion, and in subservience to this end, even Negroes and
Bushmen (Buschmenschen) had to be mobilized. And then, of course, victory would come
about of its own accord, so to speak. It would then be within grasp; one need only reach out
for it, so they said. I was very well aware of all this myself, and indeed had known it for a
long time, and it was only because of this, that I had laid before the world my appeal
for peace. For, if I were in a position to believe in victory, I would not have approached
England and France with an understanding without any conditions attached. In a few
days these agitators succeeded in portraying me as a coward before the eyes of the

I was scolded for my peace proposal, even personally insulted. Mr. Chamberlain
virtually spat in my face before the world public and declined to even talk of peace,
according to the directives of the warmongers and agitators backing him: Churchill,
Duff Cooper, Eden, Hore-Belisha, and so on. Not to mention negotiating a peace.
And it was thus that the big capitalist clique of war profiteers cried for a continuation
of the war. And this continuation has now begun.

I have already asserted, and all of you, my Volksgenossen, know this: that if I do not speak
for some time, or nothing much happens, then this does not mean that I am doing nothing.
With us it is not necessary to multiply by a factor of five or twelve every airplane built, and
then to proclaim it loudly to the world. Besides, hens would be ill-advised to cry out to the
world every egg just laid. It would be all the more ill-considered of statesmen to announce
projects barely beyond the planning stage, in nervous chatter, to the surrounding world, so as
to inform it in a timely manner.To the excited garrulousness of two of these great democratic state leaders we owe
ever-current information on the plans for an expansion of the war by our adversaries,
and especially on the concentration of the war effort in Norway and Sweden.
Volksgenossen = fellow people of the German community
1. Given to excessive and often trivial or rambling talk; tiresomely talkative.
2. Wordy and rambling: a garrulous speech.
While the Anglo-French clique of warmongers was on the lookout for new
opportunities to expand the war, and trying to trap new victims, I have labored to bring
to a conclusion the organizational buildup of the Wehrmacht, to set up new units, to
start up production for the war, to get material to flow, as well as to order training of
the entire Wehrmacht for its new missions. Beyond this, however, the bad weather of the
late autumn and winter forced a postponement of military operations.

In the course of the month of March, we gained knowledge of British- French ambitions to
intervene in the Russo-Finnish conflict; which was less to help the Finns and more to
damage Russia, the latter being seen as a power cooperating with Germany. This
ambition grew into the determination to intervene actively in Finland itself and, if
possible, to gain a base for carrying the war to the Baltic Sea. And, at this time also,
suggestions of the Allied High War Council appeared with ever greater insistence
either to set afire the Balkans or Asia Minor in an effort to bar the Reich from its
Russian and Romanian oil imports, or to gain possession of Swedish iron ore.
Landings in Norway were to serve this end with the goal of occupying all ore railroads
leading from Narvik across Sweden to the port of Lulea.

The Russo-Finnish peace accords prevented, at the last minute, the carrying out of the
already envisioned action in the Nordic States. Yet, merely a few days later, similar
ambitions surfaced anew and precipitated a clear decision.

England and France had agreed to move, in one sudden strike, to occupy numerous
important locations in Norway under the pretext of preventing further support for the
German war effort with Swedish ore.

To secure access completely to the Swedish ore, they intended to march into Sweden
themselves and to push aside the few forces Sweden could muster, either, if possible,
in a friendly manner or, if necessary, by force.

Of the imminence of this danger we were informed personally by the untameable
garrulousness of the First Lord of the British Admiralty. Moreover, we received
confirmation through a hint made by the French Premier Reynaud in a talk with a
foreign diplomat. That the date had been postponed twice before the eighth of April,
and that the occupation was scheduled for the eighth, that the eighth, therefore, was
the third and final day - of this we gained knowledge only recently. It was conclusively
established only with the discovery of the protocols of the High Allied War Council. I
then ordered the Wehrmacht, as soon as the danger of dragging the North into the war
was becoming apparent, to take the appropriate measures.
The case of the Altmark already demonstrated that the Norwegian Government was not
willing to uphold its neutrality. Beyond this, reports of secret agents also revealed that,
at least insofar as the leading heads of the Norwegian Government and the Allies were
concerned, there was already full agreement. Finally, Norway’s reaction to the violation
of its territory by British minelayers dispelled all remaining doubts.
Altmark = a German tanker ship. The “Altmark Incident” was a naval skirmish of World War II between the
United Kingdom and Nazi Germany, which happened on 16 February 1940. It took place in what were, at that
time, neutral Norwegian waters.

The German operation, prepared down to the last detail, was launched. In fact the situation
was a bit different from what we perceived it to be on April 9. While we then believed, we had
anticipated the British occupation by a few hours, we know today that the landing of
the English troops had been scheduled for the eighth. The deployment of the British
contingents had already begun on the fifth and sixth. However, the moment the first news
reached the British Admiralty of the German steps, i.e. that a German fleet had put to sea,
this development so impressed Mr. Churchill that he decided to have the contingents already
embarked disembark once again, so that the British fleet would first be able to search for and
attack German ships. This attempt ended in failure.

Only a single English destroyer came into contact with the German naval forces and was shot
out of the water. This vessel could not relay any sort of message to the British Admiralty or to
the fleet of the English naval combat contingents. And thus, on the ninth, the landing of
German forward units was carried out along a coastal front stretching from Oslo north
to Narvik. When news of this reached London, the First Lord of the Admiralty, Mr. Churchill,
had already been on the lookout for many hours-eagerly awaiting first reports of the
successes of his fleet.

And this strike, my Deputies, was the most daring undertaking in the history of German

Its successful implementation was possible only thanks to the leadership and the behavior of
all German soldiers involved. What our three arms, the Army, the Navy, and the Luftwaffe,
have accomplished in the struggle for Norway assures them mention in the records of the
highest soldiership.
Luftwaffe = German Airforce

The Navy conducted its operations, and later handled the troop transports, faced by an
enemy who, all in all, possessed an almost tenfold superiority. All units of our young Reich
War Navy have covered themselves with eternal glory in this venture. Only after the war will it
be appropriate to discuss the difficulties faced especially in this campaign: the numerous
unexpected setbacks, losses, and accidents suffered. To have overcome all this in the end
goes to the credit of the behavior, the leadership, and the troops.

The Luftwaffe, which often was the only means of transport and communications in so
gigantically vast a terrain, outdid itself in all respects. Death-defying attacks on the enemy, on
his ships and landing troops, are hardly more impressive than the tenacious heroics of the
transport plane pilots, who in spite of unimaginably adverse weather started time and time
again on their way to the land of the midnight sun, only to unload soldiers or freight in the
midst of a snow storm. Norway’s fjords have become the graveyard of many a British warship.

Because of the uninterrupted wild attacks of German bombers and Stukas, the British fleet
was forced to retreat from and to evacuate the very arena of which a few weeks earlier an
English newspaper had so tastefully stated “that it would be a pleasure for England to oblige
the German invitation to do battle there.” The Army. The crossing already constituted a great
challenge for the soldiers of the Army. In a few cases, airborne troops had opened up the
area where they first set foot. Then division after division flooded the land which, due to its
natural characteristics, already possessed considerable defenses, and which - as far as the
Norwegian units were concerned - was very valiantly defended.

Of the Englishmen who had landed in Norway, one can say that the only remarkable
thing was the unscrupulousness with which such badly trained, insufficiently
equipped, and miserably led soldiers had been put ashore as an expeditionary corps.
From the beginning, they were certain to lose. By contrast, what our German infantry,
the pioneers, what our artillery, our communications and construction units, have
achieved in Norway can only be termed the proud heroism of struggle and labor.
The word Narvik will enter our history as glorious evidence of the spirit of the
Wehrmacht of the National Socialist Greater German Reich.

The gentlemen Churchill, Chamberlain, Daladier, and so on, have, until recently, been
exceedingly ill-informed as to the essence of the Greater German unification process.
At the time, I announced that the future would probably teach them better. And I may
well assume that in particular the deployment of mountain troops from the Ostmark at
this front furthest north in our battle for freedom has enlightened them sufficiently as
far as the Greater German Reich and its sons are concerned.

It is lamentable that the grenadiers of Mr. Chamberlain did not pay sufficient and,
above all, persistent attention to this conflict, and instead preferred to be satisfied with
the first test of the inner disposition of the tribes of our Volk which have newly come to
the Reich.

General von Falkenhorst led operations in Norway. Lieutenant General Dietl was the hero
of Narvik.

Operations at sea were conducted under the leadership of Admiral General Saalwachter
and the Admirals Carls and Boehm, and Vice Admiral Lutjens.

Operations of the Luftwaffe were under the leadership of Colonel General Milch and
Lieutenant General Geissler.

The High Command of the Wehrmacht, Colonel General Keitel, as the Chief of the High
Command, and General Jodl, as the Chief of the Wehrmacht leadership staff, were
responsible for implementing my directives for the entire undertaking.

Even before the conclusion of the campaign in Norway, news in the West took on anever more
threatening character. While, in fact, preparations had been made before the
war to break through the Maginot Line in the event of a necessary conflict with France
or England, an undertaking for which the German troops had been trained and had
been equipped with the weaponry required, the course of events in the first months of
the war compelled us to contemplate the possibility of moving against Holland and
Belgium. While Germany had positioned hardly any units against Belgium or the
Netherlands, other than those necessary for security reasons, as well as beginning to
expand upon its fortification system, a visible mass of French units began to array
itself along the French-Belgian border. In particular, the concentration of tanks and
motorized divisions in this sector revealed that it was intended - at any rate it was
possible-for these to be hurled at lighting speed through Belgium at the German

Decisive in this context was the following observation:

While, in the case of a loyal reading of the Belgian-Dutch neutrality, these two
countries would have been forced, by the concentration of strong Anglo-French forces
at their border, to focus their attention on the West, both began to reduce their troop
strengths along this border to the same degree they began to build up the units
stationed along the border with Germany. News of ongoing talks at the general staff
-level, also shed a peculiar light on [this interpretation of] Belgian-Dutch neutrality. I
need not emphasize that these talks, had they been conducted in the spirit of true
neutrality, would have had to be held with both sides. Besides this, such an
intensification of signs indicating that a move of the Anglo-French troops across
Holland and Belgium against the German industrial area was taking place required that
we should regard this threat as a serious danger.

Hence I took the German Wehrmacht into my confidence, informing it of the possibility
of such a development and entrusting it with the appropriate, detailed directives. In
numerous conferences at the High Command of the Wehrmacht with the Commanders
in Chief of the three branches of the Wehrmacht, the leaders of the Army groups and of
the armies, down to the leaders of important, individual undertakings, the tasks facing
us were enumerated and thoroughly discussed. Among the troops these were taken up
with great understanding, as the basis for a special type of training.

Correspondingly, the entire German deployment underwent the necessary

The thorough observations which had been conducted everywhere gradually led to the
compelling recognition that, from the beginning of May on, an Anglo-French advance
had to be expected at any moment.

In the days of May 6 and 7, telephone conversations between London and Paris took
place, of which we gained intelligence and which reinforced suspicions that an
invasion of the Netherlands and Belgium by the so-called Allies had to be expected at
any moment. Thus on the following day, May 8, I ordered an immediate attack for May
10, at 5:35 in the morning.

The basic thought behind this operation was to deploy, without worrying aboutperipheral successes,
the entire Wehrmacht - especially the Army and the Luftwaffe -
in so decisive a manner, that the envisioned operations had to attain the complete
annihilation of the Anglo-French forces.

In contrast to the Schlieffen Plan of the year 1914, I ordered the main thrust of the
operation along the left flank of the breakthrough front, while, however, keeping up
appearances of a reversed version. This deception was successful. Conduct of the
entire operation was made easy for me by measures our adversaries themselves took.
For the concentration of the entire Anglo-French motorized combat forces against
Belgium revealed as certain that the High Command of the Allied armies had arrived at
the decision to advance most speedily into this area.

We relied on the steadfastness of all German infantry divisions deployed in the thrust
against the right flank of the Anglo-French motorized Army Group. Such a drive had to
lead to its complete shattering and dissolution - yes, perhaps even to its encirclement.
As a second operation, I had planned the taking of the Seine up to Le Havre, as well as
securing bases at the Somme and Aisne for a third assault. This was intended to break
through, with strong forces across the plateau at Langres, to the Swiss border.

Reaching the coast south of Bordeaux was to conclude operations. Within this
framework and in this sequence, operations were in fact carried out.
The success of this mightiest sequence of battles in world history we owe first and
foremost to the German soldier himself. He held his own at all places he was deployed
to the highest degree. The German tribes all share equally in this glory.

The soldiers of the young, new Reichsgaus, added only since 1938, also fought in an
exemplary fashion and took a heavy toll of lives. The heroic risk of life by all Germans in this
war will make the emerging National Socialist Greater German Reich eternally sacred and
dear not only to the present generation, but to all that follow.

When I undertake to honor all those forces to whose activities we owe this most glorious of
victories, then first mention is due to a leadership which, in particular in this campaign, has
met the highest of requirements.

The Army:

It has performed the tasks imposed upon it, under the leadership of Colonel General von
Brauchitsch and his Chief of Staff Halder, in a truly glorious fashion.

If the leadership of the German Army of long ago was regarded as the best in the world, then
it is deserving today of at least equal admiration. Yes, since success is decisive for passing
judgment, the leadership of the new German Army must be considered even better!

Subdivided into three Army Groups, the Army in the West was placed under the orders of
Colonel Generals Ritter von Leeb, von Rundstedt, and von Bock.

The Army Group of General Ritter von Leeb had the initial mission to maintain the left flank
of the German front in the West, stretching from the Swiss border up to the Moselle,
in a stateof highest defensive readiness. It was anticipated that, in the later course of the operation,
this front would also actively intervene in the battle of destruction with two armies under the
leadership of Colonel General von Witzleben and General Dollmann.

At 5:35 in the morning of May 10, the two Army Groups under Colonel Generals von
Rundstedt and von Bock launched the attack. It was their mission, along the entire front
from the river Moselle to the North Sea, to break through the enemy lines along the frontier; to
occupy the Netherlands; to move against Antwerp and the troops stationed at Dyle; to take
Liege; and, above all, to reach the left flank along the river Meuse with massive forces for the
attack, to force a crossing between Namur and Carignan with a main thrust of the tank and
motorized divisions at Sedan and, in the further course of operations, to assemble all
available tank and motorized divisions to push onward, along the system of canals and rivers
between the Aisne and the Somme, to the sea.

To Rundstedt’s southern Army Group fell also the important task of preventing a repetition of
the Miracle of the Marne of 1914. He was to accomplish this task by securing, according to
plan, the cover of the left flank in the course of the breakthrough.

This massive operation, which already decided the further course of the war, led, as
planned, to the annihilation of the main mass of the French Army as well as of the
entire British Expeditionary Force, and already added luster to the German leadership.
Besides the two leaders of the Army Groups and their Chiefs of Staff, Lieutenant General
von Sodenstern and Lieutenant General von Salmuth, the following leaders of the Army
are deserving of the highest of distinctions:

Colonel General von Kluge as leader of the Fourth Army;
Colonel General List as leader of the Twelfth Army;
Colonel General von Reichenau as leader of the Sixth Army;
General von Kuchler as leader of the Eighteenth Army;
General Busch as leader of the Sixteenth Army; and the
Generals von Kleist, Guderian, Hoth, and Hoeppner
as leaders of the tank and motorized troops.

Large additional numbers of generals and officers who distinguished themselves in these
operations are known to you already, my Deputies, because of the high distinctions granted

The further conduct of the operation in the general direction of the Aisne and the Seine was
not intended to conquer Paris primarily, but rather to create, or better secure, a basis for a
breakthrough to the Swiss border. This massive offensive action, thanks to the outstanding
leadership of all grades, also went according to plan.

A change of personnel in the High Command of the French Army, which had meanwhile
taken place, was to revive its resistance and to bring about a change, much desired by the
Allies, in the fortunes of the battle so unhappily begun.

Indeed it was possible to get the German armies and their offensive actions going, at several
locations, only after overcoming the strongest of resistance.
Here, not only the courage, but also the training of the German soldier had the opportunity to
hold its own to a high degree. Inspired by the zeal of countless officers and non-
commissioned officers, as well as of individual men of valor, the infantry itself, time and time
again, was compelled onward even in the most difficult of situations.

Paris fell! The breaking of the enemy’s resistance at the Aisne opened the way to a
breakthrough to the Swiss border. In one gigantic envelopment the armies stormed to the
back of the Maginot Line. Now abandoning its reserve, the Army Group Leeb went on the
offensive in two locations west of Saarbrucken and Neubreisach. Under orders from Generals
von Witzleben and Dollmann, they achieved the breakthrough. And thus it was possible not
only to surround the gigantic front of the French resistance, but to dissolve it into little particles
and to force it to the well-known capitulation.

These operations were crowned by the now generally beginning advance of the German
armies. At their head moved the incomparable Panzer and motor divisions of the Army with
the goal of driving a left flank down the Rhone in the direction of Marseilles, and a right flank
across the Loire in the direction of Bordeaux and the Spanish border. This was to destroy the
dissolving remains of the French Army, or rather to occupy French territory. I will report in
detail at a later point on the intervention of our allies in this war.

When Marshal Petain offered France’s laying down of arms, he was not laying down a
weapon he still held. Rather he merely put an end to a situation completely untenable
in the eyes of every soldier. Only the bloody dilettantism of a Mr. Churchill either fails
to comprehend as much or lies about it in spite of better knowledge.

In the second, third, and last phase of this war, the following Army leaders distinguished
themselves as did the earlier mentioned generals: Colonel General von Witzleben; the
Generals von Weichs, Dollmann, Strauss. The valiant divisions and standards of the
Waffen SS also fought within the framework of these armies.

When I express my gratitude and that of the German Volk to the aforementioned generals, in
their capacity as leaders of the Army and Army Groups, this applies at the same time to all
other officers, all of whom it is not possible to mention by name, and especially to all the
nameless workers of the General Staff.

In this battle, my Deputies, the rank and file of Germany has proved itself to be what it has
always been: the best infantry in the world! And with it all other branches of the Army
compete: artillery and pioneers, and, above all, the young units of our tanks and motorized
troops. The German Panzer weapon, through this war, has made its entry into world history.

The men of the Waffen SS share in the glory. Yet the communications units, the construction
units of the pioneers, the railroad construction men, etc., are also worthy, in accordance with
their performance, of the highest praise we have to offer.

In the wake of the armies followed the commandos of the Todt Organization, of the Reich
Labor Service, and of the NSKK, and these also helped to repair roads, bridges, as well as to
restore order to traffic.

Within the framework of the Army, this time there also fought parts of the Flak artillery of our
Luftwaffe. At the foremost front, they helped to break the enemy’s power of resistance andattack.
A detailed account of their effectiveness can be rendered only at a later date.

The Luftwaffe itself:

At dawn on the morning of May 10, thousands of fighter planes and dive bombers, under the
cover of fighters and destroyers, descended on enemy airfields. Within a few days
uncontested air superiority was assured. And not for one minute in the further course of the
battle was it allowed to slip.

Only where temporarily no German airplanes were sighted, could enemy fighters and
bombers make short appearances. Besides this, their activities were restricted to night action.
The Field Marshal [Goering] had the Luftwaffe under his orders during this mission in the

Its tasks were:

1. to destroy the enemy air forces, i.e. to remove these from the skies;

2. to support directly or indirectly the fighting troops by uninterrupted attacks;

3. to destroy the enemy’s means of command and movement;

4. to wear down and break the enemy’s morale and will to resist;

5. to land parachute troops as advance units.

The manner of their deployment in the operation in general, as well as their adjustment to the
tactical demands of the moment, was exceptional. Without the valor of the Army, the
successes attained should never have been possible.

Equally true is it that, without the heroic mission of the Luftwaffe, the valor of the Army should
have been for naught. Both Army and Luftwaffe are deserving of the greatest glory! The
deployment of the Luftwaffe in the West took place under the personal command of Field
Marshal Goering. His Chief of Staff: Major General Jeschonnek.

Both aerial fleets stood under orders of General der Flieger Sperrle and General der
Flieger Kesselring. The Aviation Corps subordinate to them stood under orders of Generals
der Flieger Grauert and Keller, Lieutenant General Loerzer, and Lieutenant General
Ritter von Greim, as well as of Major General Freiherr von Richthofen. Both Flak Corps
stood under orders of Flak Artillery General Weise and Major General Dessloch. The Ninth
Aerial Division under Major General Coeler deserves special mention. The Commander of
the Parachute Troops, General der Flieger Student, was severely wounded. The further
conduct of the battle in the air in Norway was orchestrated by General der Flieger Stumpff.

While millions of German soldiers of the Army, Luftwaffe, and Waffen SS took part in these
battles, others could not be spared at home as they were needed for the buildup of the local
reserve formations. Many of the most capable officers - as bitter as this was for them - were
forced to conduct and oversee the training of those soldiers who, as reserve units, or perhaps
in new formations, were to go to the front only later. Despite my sympathy for the inner
sentiments of those who felt at a disadvantage, the greater common interest, as a matter
of principle, was decisive. Party and State, Army, Navy, Luftwaffe, and SS sent every
man to the front whom they were able to spare somehow. Yet, without securing a
Replacement Army, a reserve air force, reserve SS formations, as well as Party and
State in general, the war at the front could not have been waged.

As the organizers of the Replacement Army at home and of the armament and supplies for
the Luftwaffe, the following have attained special merit: Artillery General Fromm and
General der Flieger Udet.

I cannot conclude the enumeration of all these meritorious generals and admirals without
paying tribute to those who are my closest co-workers in the Staff of the High Command of
the Wehrmacht:

Colonel General Keitel as Chief of the High Command of the Wehrmacht, and Major
General Jodl as his Chief of Staff. They have made the greatest of contributions to the
realization of my plans and ideas throughout long months of many cares and much work.

An appreciation of the accomplishments of our Navy and its leaders will only be possible, to a
full extent, at the end of the war.

When I now conclude these purely military reflections on events, truth compels me to
state the historic fact that none of this would have been possible without the
disposition of the home front-or without, at its fore, the foundation, the work, and the
activities of the National Socialist Party.

Already in 1919, in the age of great decline, it proclaimed its program for the
establishment of a German People’s Army and has stood up for it throughout the
decades with a zealous determination. Without its activities, the conditions necessary
for both the re-emergence of the German Reich and the creation of a German
Wehrmacht would not have existed. Above all, it lent the struggle its ideological
(weltanschaulich) world view foundation. To the senseless sacrifice of life of our
democratic opponents in the interests of their plutocracies, it opposes the defense of a
Volksgemeinschaft. Its activities have resulted in a solidarity between front and
homeland, which regrettably did not exist in the World War.
Volksgemeinschaft = the community of the German Volk

From its ranks, therefore, I should like to name the men, who along with countless others,
attained great merit in securing the opportunity to celebrate victory in a new Germany: Party
comrade Reich Minister Hess, himself an old soldier of the World War, has been one of the
most loyal fighters for the erection of the present state and its Wehrmacht ever since the early
days of the foundation of the Movement.

Party comrade Chief of Staff of the SA Lutze has organized the mass of millions of SA men,
in the sense of supporting the state to the utmost, and has secured its pre- and post-military

Party comrade Himmler has organized the entire security of our Reich as well as the units of
the Waffen SS.

Party comrade Hierl has been the founder and leader of the Reich Labor Service.
Party comrade Ley is the guarantor of the behavior of the German worker.
Party comrade and Reich Minister Major General Todt is the organizer of the production of
armament and ammunition and has gained eternal merit as a master builder in the
construction of our massive, strategic [!] road network as well as of the fortified front in the

Party comrade Minister Goebbels is the leader of a propaganda apparatus whose
refinement is best ascertained [only] in comparison with that of the World War.
Among the numerous organizations of the home front, there remain to be mentioned the
organization of the Kriegswinterhilfswerk, and of the NS Volkswohlfahrt under the
leadership of Party comrade Hilgenfeldt, as well as the German Red Cross, and moreover
the Reich Air Defense Association under the leadership of Flak Artillery General von
Kriegswinterhilfswerk = Krieg means war. The Winterhilfswerk (WHW, English: Winter Relief—literally
"winter help work") was an annual drive by the Nationalsozialistische Volkswohlfahrt (the National
Socialist People’s Welfare Organization) to help finance charitable work. Its slogan was "None shall
starve nor freeze". It ran from 1933-1945 during the months of October through March, and was
designed to provide food, clothing, coal, and other items to less fortunate Germans during the inclement
months. It's goals and efforts were expanded and intensified during the war as a true demonstration of
solidarity of the German people on the home front/

NS Volkswohlfahrt = The Nationalsozialistische Volkswohlfahrt (NSV), meaning "National Socialist
People's Welfare" was a social welfare organization during the Third Reich. The NSV was established in
1933, shortly after the NSDAP took power in Germany. Its seat was in Berlin. The structure of the NSV
was based on the NSDAP Party model, with local, county (Kreis) and group administrations. During
World War II, the NSV took over more and more governmental responsibilities, especially in the fields of
child and youth care / support.

I cannot conclude this tribute without thanking the one man who, for years, has engaged
himself in loyal, untiring, self-devouring work to realize my foreign policy directives. The name
of Party comrade von Ribbentrop as Reich Foreign Minister shall remain tied for all
eternity to the political rise of the German nation.

My Deputies!

I have determined, as Fuehrer and Supreme Commander of the German Wehrmacht, to
honor the most meritorious generals before the one forum which in truth represents
the entire German Volk. I must place at their forefront a man to whom I have difficulty in
expressing sufficient gratitude for the services which tie his name to the Movement, to the
State, and, above all, to the German Luftwaffe.

Since the days of the foundation of the SA, Party Comrade Goering has been bound up
in the development and rise of the Movement. Since we came to power, his capacity for
work and willingness to take responsibility have accomplished deeds in numerous
fields for the German Volk and the German Reich which cannot be excluded from the
history of our Volk and Reich.

Since the rebuilding of the German Wehrmacht, he has become the creator of the
German Luftwaffe. It is granted to only a few mortals to create in the course of their
lives a military instrument practically from nothing and to transform it into the
mightiest weapon of its kind in the world. Above all, he has lent it his spirit.

Field Marshal Goering as creator of the German Luftwaffe, and as an individual man,
has made the greatest contribution to the rebuilding of the German Wehrmacht. As the
leader of the German Luftwaffe he has, in the course of the war up to date, created the
prerequisites for victory. His merits are unequalled! I name him Reichsmarschall of the
Greater German Reich and award him the Grand Cross of the Iron Cross.
[SNIP: This section has been omitted in the audio version, with no disrespect intended to
these German heroes, but for the sake of flow, moving on to more essential information of
greater interest to the average reader]

For services rendered to the victory of German weaponry in the struggle for the
freedom and future of our Greater German Reich,
I hereby promote:

The Commander in Chief of the Army, Colonel General von Brauchitsch, to the rank of Field

Colonel General von Rundstedt, Commander in Chief of Army Group A, to the rank of Field

Colonel General Ritter von Leeb, Commander in Chief of Army Group C, to the rank of Field

Colonel General von Bock, Commander in Chief of Army Group B, to the rank of Field

Colonel General List, Commander in Chief of the Twelfth Army, to the rank of Field Marshal;
Colonel General von Kluge, Commander in Chief of the Fourth Army, to the rank of Field

Colonel General von Witzleben, Commander in Chief of the First Army, to the rank of Field

Colonel General von Reichenau, Commander in Chief of the Sixth Army, to the rank of Field

I promote:

General Halder, Chief of the General Staff of the Army, to the rank of Colonel General;
General Dollmann, Commander in Chief of the Seventh Army, to the rank of Colonel General;

General Freiherr von Weichs, Commander in Chief of the Second Army, to the rank of
Colonel General;

General von Kuchler, Commander in Chief of the Eighteenth Army, to the rank of Colonel

General Busch, Commander in Chief of the Sixteenth Army, to the rank of Colonel General;

General Strauss, Commander in Chief of the Ninth Army, to the rank of Colonel General;

General von Falkenhorst, Military Commander in Norway, to the rank of Colonel General;

General von Kleist, Commanding General of the Twenty-Second Army Corps, to the rank of
Colonel General;

General Ritter von Schobert, Commanding General of the Seventh Army Corps, to the rank of
Colonel General;

General Guderian, Commanding General of the Nineteenth Army Corps, to the rank of
Colonel General;

General Hoth, Commanding General of the Fifteenth Army Corps, to the rank of Colonel

General Haase, Commanding General of the Third Army Corps, to the rank of Colonel

General Hoeppner, Commanding General of the Sixteenth Army Corps, to the rank of Colonel

General Fromm, Chief of Military Armament and Commander in Chief of the Replacement
Army, to the rank of Colonel General.

In consideration of unequaled services rendered
I promote:

Lieutenant General Dietl, Commanding General of the Mountain Corps in Norway, to the rank
of Infantry General.
As the first officer with the German Wehrmacht, I award him the Oak
Leaves of the Knight’s Cross of the Iron Cross.

Pending a later recognition of all the leaders and officers of the Reich Navy,
I promote:

Admiral Carls, the Commanding Admiral of the Naval Station Baltic Sea and Commander in
Chief of the Naval Troops East, to the rank of Admiral General.
In appreciation of the unequaled accomplishments of the German Luftwaffe,
I promote:

Colonel General Milch to the rank of Field Marshal;

General der Flieger Sperrle to the rank of Field Marshal;

General der Flieger Kesselring to the rank of Field Marshal.

I promote:

General der Flieger Stumpff to the rank of Colonel General;

General der Flieger Grauert to the rank of Colonel General;

General der Flieger Keller to the rank of Colonel General;

General of the Flak Artillery Weise to the rank of Colonel General;

General der Flieger Udet to the rank of Colonel General.


I promote to the rank of General der Flieger:

Lieutenant General Geissler;
Major General Jeschonnek;
Lieutenant General Loerzer;
Lieutenant General Ritter von Greim;
and Major General Freiherr von Richthofen.

In my High Command of the Wehrmacht I promote:

Colonel General Keitel to the rank of Field Marshal;

Major General Jodl to the rank of Artillery General.

In announcing these promotions on the occasion of the most successful campaign in
our history, before this forum and so before the entire nation, I thereby honor the entire
Wehrmacht of the National Socialist Greater German Reich.
[END SNIP: Audio narration resumes here]

I cannot conclude my reflections on this battle without thinking of our ally here.

Ever since there has been a National Socialist regime, its foreign policy has embraced
two goals:

1. bringing about a true understanding and friendship with Italy and,
2. bringing about the same relationship with England.

My Party Comrades, you know that I was as driven by these conceptions twenty years ago as
I was later. I have dealt with and defended these ideas as a journalist and in my speeches
countless times, as long as I myself was a mere opposition leader in the democratic republic.

I immediately undertook, as soon as the German Volk entrusted me with its leadership,
to realize these oldest goals of National Socialist foreign policy in practical terms. It
still saddens me today that, in spite of all my endeavors, I have not succeeded in
obtaining this friendship with England which, I believe, should have been a blessing
for both peoples; and especially because I was not able to do so despite my persistent,
sincere efforts. However, I am all the more happy that at least the first point in this program
of my foreign policy was in fact realized.

This I owe, above all, to the genius who today stands at the head of the Italian people.
For it was possible only owing to his epoch-making activities for the two intellectually
related revolutions to find each other, to finally seal in jointly-shed blood the alliance
which is destined to procure a new life for Europe. That I myself have the honor to be a
friend of this man gladdens me all the more, in view of the unique story of his life, which bears
evidence of as many similarities to my own as our two revolutions do to each other, and,
beyond this, as does the history of the unification and rise of our two nations.

Ever since the resurrection of the German Volk, we have heard many voices of
understanding from Italy. On the foundation of this mutual understanding grew a living
community of interests. And finally this was set down in treaties. And when, last year,
contrary to my expressed will and desire, this war was forced on the German Reich, a
consultation on the further conduct of our two states involved Mussolini and myself.
The benefit derived for the Reich from the behavior of Italy was extraordinary. Not only
economically did we profit from the situation and the stance of Italy, but also militarily.

From the beginning, Italy tied down strong forces of our enemies and curtailed above
all their freedom of strategic disposition. And when the Duce determined that the time
had come to take a stand with the weapon in his fist against the unbearable and
persistent violation of Italy, damage done in particular by French and British
transgression, and the King issued the declaration of war, then this was done with
complete freedom of decision. All the greater must our gratitude be.

The intercession of Italy has sped up and assisted in opening France’s eyes to the
utter hopelessness of continued resistance.

And ever since, our ally has fought on the peaks and ridges of the Alps and now on the vast
plains encompassed in his sphere of interest. Especially his present air attacks and battles at
sea are being led with the spirit peculiar to the Fascist Revolution. Here they elicit the spirit
which binds National Socialism to Fascist Italy. Italy’s pain is Germany’s pain, as we have
experienced in recent days in view of the death of Balbo. Its joy is our joy.

And our cooperation in the political and military fields is a complete one. It will erase
the injustice done the German and Italian peoples throughout the centuries. For, at the
end of everything, stands the shared victory!

And when I now turn to speak of the future, my Deputies, I do so not to boast or brag. This I
can well leave up to others who are in greater need of it, as for example Mr. Churchill.

What I want to do is to paint a picture of the present situation, bare of exaggeration, as it is
and as I see it.

1. The course of events in the ten months of war now lying behind us has proved my
assessments correct and those of our adversaries incorrect:

When the British so-called statesmen assure us that their country emerges strengthened from
every defeat and failure, then it surely is no arrogance when I inform them that we emerge at
least equally strengthened from our successes.

On September 1 of the year now past, I already explained to you that, come what may,
neither the force of weapons nor time shall force Germany to the ground. The Reich
today stands stronger militarily than ever before.

We have seen the losses, individually surely heavy, though as a total relatively low, which the
German Wehrmacht has suffered in battle within the past three months. When you consider
that, within this time, we erected a front which reaches from the North Cape to the
Spanish border, then our losses are extraordinarily low, especially when compared with
those of the World War.

The cause lies - besides with the, on an average, excellent leadership-with the
outstanding tactical training of the individual soldier and of the units, as well as with
the cooperation among the branches of the service.

Another cause is to be found with the quality and efficiency of the new weaponry.
A third cause lies with the conscious refusal to pursue what is called prestige. I myself
have, on principle, labored to avoid any attack or operation which was not necessary in
the context of the actual annihilation of the adversary, but was instead to be carried
out for the sake of what was regarded as prestige.

In spite of all of this, naturally, we had anticipated far higher losses in many instances. The
manpower saved will benefit us in the further pursuit of the struggle for freedom forced
upon us. At present, many of our divisions in France are being withdrawn and reassigned to
their bases at home. Many men are able to take leaves of absence. Weaponry and equipment
are being either repaired or replaced by new material. All in all, the Wehrmacht today is
stronger than ever before.
2. Weaponry: The loss of weaponry in Norway, especially in the campaigns against
Holland, Belgium, and France, is void of any significance. It stands in no relation to
production. Army and Luftwaffe possess at this moment-as I am speaking to you-
equipment more complete and stronger than before we intervened in the West.

3. Ammunition: Provisions for ammunition were so well executed, the stocks are so
vast, that in many areas production must now be curtailed or rerouted since the
existing depots and warehouses, even given the greatest of efforts, in part are no
longer capable of absorbing further deliveries. As in Poland, the consumption of
ammunition was unexpectedly low. It stands in no relation to the stockpiles. The total
reserves of the Army and the Luftwaffe are higher at present, for all categories of
weapons, than before the attack in the West.

4. Raw materials essential to the war effort: Thanks to the Four-Year Plan, Germany
was prepared for the greatest of strains in an exemplary fashion. No armed forces in
the world, other than Germany’s Wehrmacht, have so benefited from a shift away from
imported raw materials essential to the war effort to such as can be found within the

Thanks to the work of the Reichsmarschall, this transformation of the German
economy into a war economy characterized by self-sufficiency was already achieved in
peacetime. [!] We possess reserves of the two most important raw materials, coal and
iron, in what I may well term an unlimited quantity. Fuel supplies are more than enough
for consumption. The capacities of our production are increasing and, within a short
time, they will suffice - even should imports cease-to satisfy demand completely.

Our advance metal collections have so increased our metal reserves that we can face a
war of no matter what duration. We shall reign supreme no matter what happens.

Added to this are the enormous possibilities that come from a yet immeasurable loot
and including the development of the territories we have occupied. Germany and Italy
possess, within the confines of the area they regulate and control, an economic
potential of about 200 million people, of whom only 130 million are soldiers, with
seventy million free to be employed exclusively in different economic activities.
[Editor's note – I found the above statement astonishing and perplexing, but it is in fact what he said.
On further reflection, however, Germany and Italy at this point did, for all intents and purposes, control
almost all of western Europe. The 130 Million soldiers must therefore have referred to, not only regular
forces, but reservists, and all those who had some military training, and would have to also have
included females. His vision, or presumption, it seems, would be that these would also fight with
Germany and Italy to defend all of continental Europe.]

I informed you on September 1, my Deputies, that for the further conduct of the war I had
ordered the initial implementation of a new Five-Year Plan. I can now assure you that all
measures to this end have been taken. Come what may, I now no longer regard time as a
threatening factor, not even in a general sense. This time, the measures taken in a timely
fashion have also secured foodstuffs for a war of no matter how long a duration.

5. The attitude of the German Volk: Thanks to National Socialist education, the German
Volk has not approached this war with the superficiality of a “hurrah” patriotism, but
with the zealous determination of a race which knows the fate awaiting it should it
suffer defeat. The endeavors to subvert this unity, launched by the propaganda of our
enemies, are as stupid as they are ineffective. Ten months of war have rendered this
zealousness all the more profound. And, in general, it is a great misfortune that the
world’s opinion is not formed by men who see things as they are, but by men who see
them as they want them to be!
[NOTE approx. 60 seconds of inaudible, damaged content removed but the text is in
the pargaraph which follows, and is included in the English audio narration]
In the last days, I have seen through and studied countless documents from the Allied
Headquarters. Among other things, these contain reports on the atmosphere in
Germany, or memoranda on the disposition and inner attitude of the German Volk. The
authors of these reports were, in part, also diplomats. Reading through these reports,
one cannot help wondering whether their authors were blind, stupid, or simply vile
scoundrels. I will admit without further ado that, naturally, here in Germany also there
have been, and perhaps still are today, certain individuals who have watched the Third
Reich’s conquests with a feeling akin to regret. Incorrigible reactionaries or blind
nihilists may well be saddened in their hearts that things came out not as they had
willed them. But their numbers are ridiculously small and their significance is smaller

Regrettably, this scum of the nation appears to have been chosen by the outside world
as a measuring stick by which to assess the German Volk. And from this, the sick minds
of failed statesmen derive the last points of orientation to cling to for new hope. As needed,
the British warlords designate a “General Hunger” or an “imminent revolution” as their new
allies. There is no nonsense that these people would not dish up for their own nation in
order to cling to their positions for yet a few more weeks.

The German Volk has proved, above all, its inner attitude through its sons who are
fighting on the battlefield. Within weeks they have beaten Germany’s strongest military
adversary and have destroyed him. Their spirit was and remains the spirit of the
German homeland!

6. The surrounding world: In the eyes of English politicians, their last hopes, besides those
resting with the loyal and allied nations, lie with a series of propped-up heads of state without
thrones; statesmen without subjects; and generals without armies; as well as on renewed
complications they believe they can conjure up thanks to their well-proven deftness in such
matters. A true Ahasuerus amongst these hopes is the belief in a possible new
estrangement to separate Germany and Russia.
Ahasuerus = a reference to the King of Persia in the Talmudic Book of Esther and reflects the king's
ever-changing positions. Initially, he is a benevolent leader entertaining the populace with banquets and
festivities. Quickly he is persuaded by Haman to support a genocidal massacre. And then, just as
quickly,, Esther turns him into an ally of the Jews, determined to execute vengeance on Haman and his
German-Russian relations have been established for good.
The reason for this was that England and France, with the support of certain smaller
states, incessantly attributed to Germany ambitions to conquer terrain which lay
completely outside the sphere of German interests. Suddenly it was said, that Germany
was eyeing the occupation of the Ukraine; then again it sought to invade Finland; at
another time it was claimed that Romania was threatened; then finally even Turkey was

Given these circumstances, I held it to be proper to undertake, above all, with Russia, a
sober delineation of interests, to once and for all clarify what Germany believes it must
regard as its sphere of interest in securing its future, and what in turn Russia holds to
be vital to its existence.

Based on this clear delineation of mutual spheres of interest, the Russo- German
relationship was revised. It is childish to hope that in the course of this revision
tensions might arise anew between Germany and Russia.

Germany has not stepped outside its sphere of interest, and neither has Russia. England
is deceived in its hope of bringing about a new European crisis to reprieve its own
situation, insofar as the relationship of Germany to Russia is concerned. Though the
British statesmen are chronically slow in their comprehension of almost everything, they will
surely come to understand this in the course of time.

I fancy I (have) correctly forecast the future development of this war in my speech of October
6. I assure you, my Deputies, that not for a moment could I doubt victory. And, unless one
feels the need to see signs and guarantees for the final victory exclusively in defeats, then I
believe that the course of events up to this point has proved me right. As I was certain of
this course of events, I offered my hand to France and England at the time for an
understanding. You still recall the answer that I received. My arguments against the
nonsense of pursuing this war, on the certainty of gaining nothing, even under the
most favorable of circumstances, and of losing much, were mocked and scoffed at, or
passed over.

I promptly assured you then that I feared, because of my peace proposal, to be decried
as a cockerel who no longer wants to fight because he is no longer able to fight. And
this is exactly what happened. I now believe that France - less the guilty statesmen
than the people-thinks differently about this October 6 today. What nameless misery
has befallen this great country and people since then. I shall not even mention the toll
of suffering the war has placed on the soldier. For above this stands the suffering
caused by the recklessness of those who drove millions of people from their homes
without proper cause, who were compelled by the thought that this might somehow
hamper the German war effort. This premise defied comprehension: this evacuation
was mostly to the detriment of the Allied war effort and, moreover, it was the most
cruel experience for the unfortunate afflicted. The injury the gentlemen Churchill and
Reynaud have done millions of people, through their advice and commands-this they
can neither justify in this world nor in the next.

All of this - as I said - need not have happened. For peace was all I asked of France and
England in October. But the gentlemen war profiteers wanted a continuation of this war
at all cost. They have it now.

I myself am too much a soldier not to comprehend the tragedy of such a development.
Still all I hear from London are cries - not the cries of the masses, but of the politicians
- that this war must now, all the more, be pursued. I do not know if these politicians
have an inkling of just how this war is in fact to be pursued. They declare that they will
continue this war, and should England fall, then they will do so from Canada. I do not
believe this means that the English people will all emigrate to Canada, but rather that
the gentlemen war profiteers will all retreat to Canada by themselves. I fear the people
will have to remain behind in England. And, assuredly, they will see the war with
different eyes in London than their so-called leaders in Canada.

Believe me, my Deputies, I feel an inner disgust at this type of unscrupulous
parliamentarian annihilators of peoples and states. It is almost painful to me to have
been chosen by Providence to give a shove to what these men have brought to the
point of falling.

It was not my ambition to wage wars, but to build up a new social state of the highest
culture. And every year of war takes me away from my work. And the cause of this
robbery is those ludicrous zeroes whom one could at best call nature’s political run of
the mill, insofar as their corrupted vileness does not brand them as something out of
the ordinary.

Mr. Churchill has repeated the declaration that he wants war. About six weeks ago
now, he launched this war in an arena in which he apparently believes he is quite
strong: namely, in the air war against the civilian population, albeit beneath the
deceptive slogan of a so-called war against military objectives. Ever since Freiburg,
these objectives have turned out to be open cities, markets, villages, residential
housing, hospitals, schools, kindergartens, and whatever else happens to be hit.

Up to now I have given little by way of response. This is not intended to signal,
however, that this is the only response possible or that it shall remain this way!

I am fully aware that with our response, which one day will come, will also come the
nameless suffering and misfortune of many men. Naturally, this does not apply to Mr.
Churchill himself since by then he will surely be secure in Canada, where the money
and the children of the most distinguished of war profiteers have already been
brought. But there will be great tragedy for millions of other men!

And Mr. Churchill should make an exception and place trust in me when as a prophet I
now proclaim: A great world empire will be destroyed. A world empire which I never
had the ambition to destroy or as much as harm. Alas, I am fully aware that the
continuation of this war will end only in the complete shattering of one of the two
warring parties. Mr. Churchill may believe this to be Germany. I know it to be England!

In this hour I feel compelled, standing before my conscience, to direct yet another
appeal to reason in England. I believe I can do this as I am not asking for something as
the vanquished, but rather, as the victor! I am speaking in the name of reason! I see no
compelling reason which could force the continuation of this war!

I regret the sacrifices it will demand. I would like to spare my Volk. I know the hearts of
millions of men and boys aglow at the thought of finally being allowed to wage battle
against an enemy who has, without reasonable cause, declared war on us a second

But I also know of the women and mothers at home whose hearts, despite their
willingness to sacrifice to the last, hang onto this last with all their might.

Mr. Churchill may well belittle my declaration again, crying that it was nothing other
than a symptom of my fear, or my doubts of the final victory.

Still I will have an easy conscience in view of things to come!

Deputies, Men of the German Reichstag!

In reflecting on the ten months lying behind us, all of us will surely feel overcome by
the grace of Providence which allowed us to accomplish so great a task. It has blessed
our resolves and stood by us on many a difficult path. I myself am touched in
recognition of the calling it imparted to me to restore freedom and honor to my Volk!

The disgrace we suffered for twenty-two years and which had its beginnings in the
Forest of Compiegne was erased forever at the very same site!

Today I have named the men who, before history, enabled me to accomplish this great
task. They have done their best, dedicating their talents and their industry to the
German Volk.

I now wish to conclude in mentioning all those nameless men who have no less done their
duty. Millions of them have risked life and liberty and, as brave German officers and soldiers,
have been ready at every hour to make the last sacrifice a man can make.

Today many of them rest in the same graves in which their fathers have rested since the
Great War. They bear evidence to silent heroism. They stand as a symbol for all those
hundreds of thousands of musketeers, anti-tank gunners and tank gunners, pioneers and
artillerymen, soldiers of the Navy and the Luftwaffe, men of the Waffen SS, and all those
other fighters who stood for the German Wehrmacht in the struggle for the freedom
and future of our Volk and for the eternal greatness of the National Socialist Greater
German Reich.

Deutschland-Sieg Heil!


And what was JEW controlled Britain's response to Hitler's sincere "leaflet bombing?" Laughter, ridicule, insults, threats, and more bombs, that's what! Churchill could have ended this little regional skirmish long before it escalated into the intercontinental bloodbath now known as World War II, the "Good War" as court-historians like to say.


UK warmonger Sefton Delmer, the future head and mastermind of British black propaganda, was just about to make his debut broadcast to Germany on the BBC when he heard the Führer's "last appeal to reason." Delmer rejected any notion of a compromise peace. Bigmouth Delmer announced:


"Herr Hitler," you have in the past consulted me as to the mood of the British public. So permit me to render your Excellency this little service once again tonight. Let me tell you what we here in Britain think of this appeal of yours to what you are pleased to call our reason and common sense. Herr Führer, we hurl it right back at you, right in your evil smelling teeth."


Delmer's inflamatory statement upset a few peace-minded Members of Parliament, but undoubtedly pleased Churchill, his Jewish handlers, and other assorted "pariots" very much.



Sefton Delmer broadcasts to Germany

Black propagandist Delmer keeps the war-fires burning. Ignorant British soldier shown laughing as he reads Hitler's leaflet.


https://i.pinimg.com/736x/81/75/d7/8175d7510e9becac01c7efcb5fd78483--ww-posters-world-war-two-posters.jpg http://i.huffpost.com/gadgets/slideshows/351726/slide_351726_3800674_free.jpg https://i.pinimg.com/736x/91/99/58/919958c3c97e5d011c10e20860fecca5--school-children-children-wear.jpg

During his July, 1940 speech, which Hitler later leafleted London with, he pleaded for peace. Meanwhile, the British government shamelessly frightened its own people with idiotic tales of imminent German gas attacks.

Adolf Hitler on National Socialism and World Relations in 1937

Adolf Hitler speaks to the Reichstag on January 30, 1937, noting that Germany was once again an equal among European nations, and had regained its strength by following his National Socialist programme .


By Carolyn Yeager


AS WE WATCH OUR NATIONS SUCCUMB to multiculturalism, globalism, rioting and unbridgeable racial divisions that threaten our peace and stymie our search for solutions, Adolf Hitler would tell us that we have broken the first law of Nature which is to preserve the race, and are thus reaping Nature's promised punishment.


No matter what subject Hitler was speaking on, or what the occasion, he seldom failed to include reminders of the necesssity to respect the separation of the races and nations. He delivered an important speech in the German Reichstag on January 30, 1937 as Führer and Chancellor. It was published under the title “On National Socialism and World Relations.” In reading it for the first time at Archive.org, I copied passages that struck me as particularly meaningful, and which powerfully express the unwavering essence of Hitler's idea. They are the following:


“The main plank in the National Socialist programme is to abolish the liberalistic concept of the individual and the Marxist concept of humanity and to substitute therefore the folk community, rooted in the soil and bound together by the bond of its common blood. A very simple statement; but it involves a principle that has tremendous consequences.” (P 10)


This very clear statement rules out that Adolf Hitler was any kind of a universalist when it comes to so-called white people and that he would not approve of the European Union as it has been set up. At the time he said this (1937) he had not visualized a war that would turn Germany into the occupier of large portions of Europe. He was only visualizing German people being brought home into an expanded German Reich.


“[…] of all the tasks which we have to face, the noblest and most sacred for mankind is that each racial species must preserve the purity of the blood which God has given it.” (P 10)


This shows that Hitler saw his revolution as an internal, German event, not including all of Europe at all. His position was that others would show interest in it for themselves if it were successful in Germany.


“...one error that cannot be remedied once men have made it … failure to recognize the importance of conserving the blood and the race free from intermixture …


It is not for men to discuss the question of why Providence created different races, but rather to recognize the fact that it punishes those who disregard its work of creation.” (P 10)


Hitler sees it as a law of Nature rather than as an idea of men of which the pros and cons can be discussed. It is not up for discussion because it is an iron law, the breaking of which contains the punishment within itself.


“It will prevent the Jewish people from intruding themselves among all the other nations as elements of internal disruption, under the mask of honest world citizens, and thus gaining power over these nations.” (P 11)


Jews are the greatest source of disruption of the unity of a people, as proven by the rejuvenation of the German nation during the past four years since 1933.


“The people—the race—is the primary thing. Party, State, Army, the national economic structure, Justice, etc, all these are only secondary and accidental. They are only the means to the end and the end is the preservation of this nation.”


“It is absolutely necessary that this principle should be practically recognized; for that is the only way in which men can be saved from becoming the victims of a devitalized set of dogmas in a matter where dogmas are entirely out of place.” (P 16)


Think about this. A nation is not an Idea, but a living, breathing body of folk bound by land, language and ancestry.


“For the folk-community does not exist on the fictitious value of money but on the results of productive labor, which is what gives money its value.


This production, and not a bank or gold reserve, is the first cover for a currency. And if I increase production, I increase the real income of my fellow-citizens. And if I reduce production, I reduce that income, no matter what wages are paid out.” (P 23)


The higher the ratio of citizens who are incapable of productive labor, the poorer a nation will be.


The whole body of our German education, including the press, the theatre, the cinema and literature, is being controlled and shaped today by men and women of our own race. Some time ago one often heard it said that if Jewry were expelled from these institutions they would collapse or become deserted. And now what has happened? In all those branches cultural and artistic activities are flourishing. Our films are better than ever before and our theatrical productions today in our leading theatres stand supreme and alone in comparison with the rest of the world. Our press has become a powerful instrument to help our people in bringing their innate faculties to self-expression and assertion, and by so doing it strengthens the nation. German science is active and is producing results which will one day bear testimony to the creative and constructive will of this epoch. (P 26)


The Third Reich did indeed prove that Jews are not better than Gentiles at certain tasks, and that they are certainly not essential for competing internationally.


“Mr. Eden declares that under no circumstances does the British Government wish to see Europe torn into two halves.” […]


“It is to be regretted that the British Government did not adopt its present attitude at an earlier date, … for then the Treaty of Versailles would not have been entered into. This Treaty brought in the first division of Europe, namely a division of the nations into victors on the one side and vanquished on the other, the latter nations being outlawed. Through this division of Europe nobody suffered more than the German people. That this division was wiped out, so far as concerns Germany, is essentially due to the National Socialist Revolution and this brings some credit to myself.” (P 34)


Hitler's first task was to undo the terrible and unfair damage of the Versailles Treaty which was forced upon the German people in 1919. He rightly takes credit for that accomplishment in the first years of his chancellorship, while also pointing out Britain's hypocrisy since it conducted a starvation naval blockade against Germany after the signing of the Armistice, and even continuing after the signing of the Versailles Treaty. Hundreds of thousands of German women, children and infants suffered needlessly and died.


"The teaching of Bolshevism is that there must be a world revolution, which would mean world-destruction. […] As far as Germany is concerned, let there be no doubts on the following points:—


  1. We look on Bolshevism as a world peril for which there must be no toleration.

  2. We use every means in our power to keep this peril away from our people.

  3. And we are trying to make the German people immune to this peril as far as possible." (P 35)

Germany, because of its central location in Europe and its wealth and competence, was a particularly desirable target of the Bolsheviks.


"I should like to state that, complete German sovereignty and equality having now been restored, Germany will never sign a treaty which is in any way incompatible with her honour; with the honour of the nation and of the Government which represents it; or which otherwise is incompatible with Germany's vital interest and therefore in the long run cannot be kept.


I believe that this statement will be understood by all." (P 42)


Indeed, Hitler was not willing to sign a treaty of unconditional surrender in 1944-45 and no such treaty was ever signed by a German Government until the Two Plus Four Agreement was signed in 1990 by the West and East occupation governments.



The foundations for the life of a people are not to be found in doctrines and theories, but in its Lebensraum, in what the earth affords it for sustenance.


(American National Socialist)


Hence, Lebensraum cannot be regarded separately from the Lebenshohe (peak of life) of a Volk. And this Lebensraum is not enough by itself — and this also is a truly revolutionary realization — it must be complemented by a Volk’s diligence, its energy, and its ability to manage to get the most out of its Lebensraum. And a still greater insight: this necessitates a Volksgemeinschaft, even if blood alone is insufficient for this. My Volksgenossen! No leader can command greater strength than that accorded to him by his followers. What am I without you?! If you refuse me your unanimous solidarity, what am I to do?! I am only one man. I can possess the greatest good-will possible — my will is of no greater worth to you than your will is worth to me!


How petty are all other vain differences in our lives in view of this! How easily is the individual deceived by vanity and notions of his own supreme importance, my Volksgenossen! One man thinks a great deal of himself for one reason, another for another reason. One prides himself on being ten centimeters taller than the other, yet another is happy simply because he considers himself better looking than the first. Yet another man thinks he looks even better because his ancestors already looked better — nothing is proven, of course. Yet another man holds himself to have an advantage because momentarily his purse is fuller than that of another. I say “momentarily” for experience has shown this phenomenon to mostly be short-lived.


Another man yet says: “I have graduated from more classes than you have.


Do you have degrees like those I have?”






“Therefore I am worth more than you. My degrees prove this conclusively.”

So the story goes. So many men have extremely important degrees furnishing the basis for their own personal brand of arrogance.


How ludicrous is all this in view of the common fate we all share and which hangs so compellingly above all our heads! It is void of any significance before the one truth that all of us either unite in our struggle to survive or perish together. This applies just as much to the man with the so-called fatter purse as it does to the man with an older family name and his ancestors, and the man with the allegedly more thorough education. For better or for worse, we all depend on one another.


And to any man who fails to grasp this — I have no idea where he might be hiding out — the attitude of the outside world toward us should serve as ample proof. How do these people behave towards us? What can we expect of them? Are these not once again the very same advocates of a strategy of encirclement, the very same people who knew nothing but hatred in the year 1914? Yes, indeed, it is once more the same clique of warmongers which haunted us back then already. What can we expect of them, my Volksgenossen? I believe it is essential that all Germans throw overboard these ridiculous prejudices insofar as remnants of them exist yet today. It is imperative that we move closer together in the conviction that together and united we can face off any danger. United we stand, divided we fall.


Hence we wish to educate our Volk in this spirit. And if one of those stubborn old heads is driving me to despair, then all I need to do is look at his son to regain hope. Even if all hope is lost with some of these old troublemakers (alte Stankerer), the youth has already outgrown them — praise the Lord! This youth represents a new breed of man, the type we hope to introduce to the future.


We are doing everything that can be done in this educational undertaking.


True, at times, we do overlook the so-called freedom of the individual in the process. I can easily imagine one man or another saying: “It is beyond me why my son should have to serve with the labor service just now. He was born for something greater than that. Why should he now be running around with a spade in his hand? Would it not be better if he exercised the powers of his intellect instead?” For goodness sake, what is it precisely you understand as “intellect,” my dear friend?! If your boy spends six months in the West wielding his spade for the sake of Germany, it may well be that he is doing Germany a greater service than your “intellect” could in a lifetime. And, above all: he has contributed to the overcoming of the worst form of “intellectual” confusion possible, namely, the inner fractures within a Volk. Of course, we cannot simply say: “Oh, if he does not want to, he need not work.” Do you truly believe that work at a chemical factory in one of the democracies is something so infinitely more delightful? Do not come up to tell me: “Oh, truly, this is the magic of work which smells so enticingly.” Assuredly not! It stinks, my dear gentlemen! But a few hundred thousands of workers simply have to take this on themselves and take it on themselves they do. Therefore, another can assuredly take on himself to pick up the spade. And he will pick up this spade.


And this brings up the problematic topic of liberty. Liberty? Insofar as the interests of the Volksgemeinschaft permit the exercise of liberty by the individual, he shall be granted this liberty. The liberty of the individual ends where it starts to harm the interests of the collective. In this case the liberty of the Volk takes precedence over the liberty of the individual.


By the way, in no other state is intellectual work as highly esteemed as in ours. I believe this is evident already in its leadership. In Germany, we pride ourselves in having men head our state who can well withstand any type of “intellectual” comparison to the representatives of any other state. Above the liberty of the individual, however, there stands the liberty of our Volk. The liberty of the Reich takes precedence over both.


The commandment of the hour is the securing of German Lebensraum.


There is no need for me to stress that we love peace above all. I know that a certain international clique of journalists is spreading lies about us on a daily basis, placing us under suspicion and committing libel against us. This does not surprise me in the least. I know these creatures from back in the old days. They, too, are export articles for which the German nation has no use. In the American Union, a veritable campaign for boycotts against our German exports has been organized. It would have been more intelligent, so I believe, had they imported German goods instead of the most inferior German subjects.


Well, at least, we can rejoice in having rid ourselves of these. How the people there will handle them, that is truly their problem. We shall see to it that these subjects do not pose an actual threat to us. I have taken the necessary precautions. I still recall vividly my political “friends” from the days before our rise to power. These fellows always insisted they knew no Fatherland. And, indeed, this is true as they are Jews and have nothing to do with us. These fellows now are reaffirming their attitudes and their pledges of old: they have launched a campaign of hatred against Germany which they pursue with all their might.


And I? I arm with all my might! I love peace; my work perhaps best attests to this. And in this I differ from these warmongers. What is it I have wrought and what is it these elements are undertaking? There is a great Volk here for which I bear responsibility. I am attempting to make this Volk both great and happy. Enormous projects are being undertaken here: new industries are being born; enormous buildings are undergoing construction. They are to serve the uplifting of the Volk and to bear witness to our culture — not only here in Berlin, but also in a multitude of other German cities. The things we have created in the course of these years! The countless projects we have begun in these years! And so many of them will take ten to twenty years to be completed! Therefore, I have cause aplenty to desire peace. Yet, these warmongers need no peace. They neither advance peace nor do they labor for it.


There is no need for me to name names in this context. They are unknown international scribblers. They are ever so clever! They are truly omniscient.


There is only one thing that they failed to foresee, namely, my rise to power.


Even in January 1933, they could simply not believe it. They also failed to foresee that I was going to remain in power. Even in February 1934, they could simply not believe it. They failed to foresee that I was going to liberate Germany. Even in 1935 and 1936, they could simply not believe it. They failed to foresee that I was going to liberate our German Volksgenossen and to return them home. Even in 1937 and 1938, they could simply not believe it. They failed to foresee that I was determined to liberate and return home the rest of them, too. Even in February of this year, they could simply not believe it. They failed to foresee that I was going to eliminate the unemployment afflicting seven million. Even two, three years ago, they could simply not believe it. They failed to foresee that I was going to implement the Four-Year Plan in Germany with success. This they simply could not believe either. They foresaw nothing! And they know nothing even today! These people have always been parasites. Lately I do not know, but I have the feeling sometimes that they are a kind of cerebral parasite. They know only too well what is happening in my brain, for instance. Whatever I say today, as I stand before you, they knew of it yesterday already. And even if I myself did not know of it yesterday — they did, these most excellent receptacles of wisdom! Actually, these creatures know everything. And, even if facts prove their pronouncements blatant lies, they have the nerve to come up with new pronouncements immediately. This is an old Jewish trick. It keeps the people from having time for reflection. Should people truly reflect on all these various prophecies, compare them to reality, then these scribblers would not get a penny for their false reports. Therefore their tactic and trick is, once one prophecy has been disproved, to come up with three new ones in its stead. And so they keep on lying, according to a type of snowball-tactics, from today until tomorrow, from tomorrow until the next day.


The current version of this is the claim that 20,000 Germans have failed to land in Morocco, although their imminent arrival had been reported earlier.


Instead of landing in Morocco, they have landed in Liberia. Considering the initial report’s assertion that these landings were supposed to be carried out by the Luftwaffe, it seems as though these planes have been floating about in midair ever since and have now unwittingly gone down over Liberia. Should no German be found in all of Liberia eight days hence, they will no doubt maintain: “It was not Liberia, after all, but Madagascar where they were heading.” And if this turns out to be wrong also — well, then it must have been another place — I already have enumerated all the locations allegedly threatened by us before the Reichstag.


The warmongers who do not do anything and, in any event, cannot step before the world to say: “I have created this or that!” — they are the men who are attempting to plunge the rest of the world into disaster once again. And you will understand, that I cannot possibly rely on assertions or declarations by people who themselves are paid servants of these warmongers. No, indeed, I rely exclusively on my German Volk — on you! Better safe than sorry. A declaration by the League of Nations is all very well, but I prefer our freedom to be guaranteed by the far more reliable fortifications protecting Germany in the West. And this, too, is the product of the diligent work wrought by Germans just as the inner attitude of our Volk is the product of the diligence and work of millions of its most active members. There is the German peasant who, loyally and bravely, assures bread for us by plowing his acres diligently and honestly. There is the German worker who, loyally and bravely, goes to work at the factory to assure other consumer goods for us earnestly and honestly. This is the basis of our existence.


As we reflect on the immense work done within these past six years, then I do believe we have a right to appoint a day once a year on which we shall join together to celebrate what we call the German Volksgemeinschaft. For this conveys the meaning of the First of May: a day to celebrate the work of Germans in the cities and in the countryside; a day to celebrate the creative man; a day to celebrate our Volksgemeinschaft. My Movement vouches for the proper education of our Volk! The German Wehrmacht vouches for its brave defense! And, all of you whom I greet at this moment, you millions of Germans in the cities and in the countryside, you who constitute the German Volksgemeinschaft, you are the guarantors that it shall never again fall apart internally! To our Greater German Reich and to our Volk, in East and West, and in North and South:


Sieg Heil!






Hitler's 1932 Election Campaign 'Stump' Speech
Institute for Historical Review

This recorded address by Adolf Hitler was distributed on 50,000 phonograph discs during Germany's fiercely contested national parliament election campaign of July 1932, in which his National Socialist movement emerged as the country's largest party. This "Appeal to the Nation" is similar in content and tone to many other speeches he gave in 1932, which for Germans was a year of mass unemployment, economic paralysis, and a broken, unresponsive political system. Translation of the complete text, with a foreword by Mark Weber, who examines how and why Hitler and his party won such broad popular support.



Adolf Hitler made his final address to the nation in a radio broadcast on Jan. 30, 1945,
the twelfth anniversary of the National Socialist seizure of power. Here are the concluding
sentences of that historic address, with English-language subtitles. In this talk, delivered
three months before his death, he concludes with determined confidence that, in spite
of setbacks, Germany and Europe will ultimately prevail against the grave threat from
the East. This brief video clip, just 41 seconds in length, is from a 1997 BBC documentary
"The Nazis: A Warning From History."