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Rainbow 5: Roosevelts Secret Pre-Pearl Harbor
War Plan Exposed
by Jim Davies, Strike the Root
Have you heard of Rainbow Five? Most have not; I had
not, until I read Thomas Fleming’s masterpiece, The New Dealers’ War. I’d say it is one of the most important documents of the 20th Century, and yet to this day it is little known. Such
is history; forget its lessons, as Santayana so famously said, and you’re condemned to repeat them. The story of Rainbow
Five is just such a lesson.
more of an Old Right perspective than that of an outright anarchist, but don’t let that stop you buying a copy of the
book–it’s a treasure-trove of insight into how America was dragged into World War Two and how hundreds of thousands
of American lives were sacrificed in the interests of government. His research is impeccable and his style, compelling.
Before encountering the book, I had already concluded from others
such as Hamilton Fish’s Tragic Deception and Robert Stinnett’s Day of Deceit that FDR deliberately manipulated the United States into that War when no defensive need existed; possibly to distract
public attention from his abject failure to end the Great Depression and almost certainly to bid (successfully) for a much
more prominent role for the US Government in world affairs when it was all over.
Even as late as December
6th, 1941, the American public wanted no part of it; poll after poll showed huge majorities in favor of letting the rest
of the world destroy itself at will, with neither help or hindrance from America. That majority reversed itself 24 hours
later, after FDR’s master stroke brought the destruction of the Pearl Harbor fleet by agents of the Japanese government,
of which my own short summary appears here (On the Other Hand)
In The New Dealers’ War, Fleming does not dwell on the way FDR engineered Pearl to make it look like an unprovoked, surprise attack. He doesn’t
deny that it was a false-flag operation, but apparently feels that even after two thirds of a century, the proof is not
so overwhelming as to be taken as fact by a scholar of his repute (9/11 MIHOP theorists, please note: you may have another
60 years to go, before the evidence is hard enough).
Instead, Fleming brings out
two other themes of the disaster that needlessly took 400,000 American lives: firstly how FDR turned a vicious trick in
the West into what he really wanted most, namely involvement in a European war to the East–which I had never previously
understood–and secondly, the importance of the slogan "unconditional surrender," which I remember being
bandied about when I was a boy and probably repeated myself at the time with bloodthirsty, patriotic, thoughtless gusto.
So to the first of these: Rainbow 5. That was the name the Army gave to waging war on Germany , prepared as a contingency plan by then-Major Albert Wedemeyer
at the Pentagon in mid-1941. That is SOP for governments; they always have plans up their sleeves for waging war on each
other, just in case they see advantage in dusting them off. Wedemeyer’s was a businesslike plan and was, of course,
very much Top Secret. Relations with the German government were not good– US military help had been given to Britain
for over a year–but there was no state of war, much to FDR’s disappointment. That huge popular opposition to
involvement was reflected in Congress.
navy, meanwhile, was under orders not to harass US shipping in the Atlantic , despite the heavy provocation of the military
convoys. Hitler at the time did not want to fight the USA until he had dealt with the USSR , in a war he began in mid-1941;
two-front wars are a bad idea and he already had the still-undefeated Brits battling him in North Africa and posing a threat
to his Northwest.
Rainbow 5 proposed shipping a 5-million man army to Europe in mid-1943 to attack and conquer the Nazi empire, and specifically explained
that the two-year delay was unavoidable because the needed equipment was simply not in place. And it was written,
recall, before the Japanese had destroyed most of the Pacific Fleet, which might otherwise have been brought round to help
in an Atlantic war.
Fleming tells of how Major Wedemeyer
arrived at his office on December 4th, 1941 , totally aghast to find a copy of the Chicago Tribune lying on his desk with
a published copy of Rainbow Five. The Trib at the time opposed FDR, and it had been leaked by persons unknown–but
certainly not Wedemeyer. Fleming reviews the few possible culprits, and concludes "no other explanation fills all the
holes in the puzzle as completely as FDR’s complicity." But why?
The reason was that a translated copy of the Trib was brought to the desk of Adolf Hitler the next day, and he immediately
took counsel with his fellow-thugs. The report, evidently authentic and Top Secret (the US press was buzzing with accusations
of treachery) had completely changed his perspective. He now had solid evidence that (a) the US was planning to attack him
but that (b) he had two clear years before it could begin.
While Rainbow Five was under urgent review in Berlin , the Pearl Harbor attack took place, and by December 8th,
war had officially started between Germany ‘s (defensive) ally and her potential enemy. The decision was not hard:
to put Russia on hold and wage war at once on an America preoccupied with Japan, with a vigorous Navy-based campaign to
put her Atlantic capabilities out of action, and a large reinforcement to his African army to knock out the British there,
so forcing an armistice which he repeatedly sought. He badly miscalculated his ability to keep the Soviets quiet, but otherwise
that made perfect sense in the radically new circumstances that had emerged in three days flat. Hence on December 11th,
the German government declared war on the American one; by the extraordinary cunning of leaking Rainbow Five at the very
time he knew the Japanese attack was pending, FDR achieved his objective of joining World War Two–with Germany as
his first priority–despite an 85% pre-war popular opposition. And he had done it with both enemies in such a way as
to make it seem they were the aggressors! That is statecraft at its very ugliest, and set a standard of malevolence to which
even Shrub has not come close (though he does have 13 more months).
The other component of Fleming’s book that broke new ground for me was the Allies’ insistence on "unconditional
surrender." This was not just morale-boosting propaganda, it was a policy agreed to first at Casablanca in early 1943,
and it was FDR’s baby. Churchill, to his credit, was wise enough to count the cost before getting aboard. Arguably,
FDR announced the policy to appease Stalin, who was so critical of the US/UK failure to commit to invading France that year
that it was feared he would make a separate peace with Germany ; but that does not excuse its rigorous enforcement two years
later. Churchill never liked it, but all three government leaders pretended unanimity and sold the concept to their domestic
Its importance emerged later in the war,
when victory became almost certain. Then–late 1944, say–it would have been feasible to negotiate a peace with
Germany , and, a few months later, with Japan too. There was substantial opposition to Hitler within his country and even
within his army. Admiral Canaris, head of the German intelligence service, was a case in point. All of these were making
serious–and horribly dangerous–attempts to contact the Allies to set up a dialog. The only answer was silence;
the policy of unconditional surrender was the reason. Knowing that policy (the Nazi leaders made it very public), even German
civilians, who by then had no heart for the war at all, saw no alternative but to fight to the death. The rest is history.
Now consider the policy’s cost, as Fleming so eloquently
counts it: "the Americans lost 418,791 dead and wounded after the breakout from Normandy . . . the British and Canadians
. . . another 107,000. If we include Russian and German losses, the total post-D Day dead and wounded approaches 2 million.
If we add the number of Jews who were killed in the last year of the war, the figure can easily be doubled. If we add all
the dead and wounded since 1943, when unconditional surrender was promulgated, destroying the German resistance’s hope
of overthrowing Hitler, that figure too could be doubled–to 8 million. Unquestionably, this ultimatum was written
Franklin D Roosevelt was not the biggest
mass-murderer in history; Mao, Stalin and Hitler each killed more than he. But he comes quite close; his two most notable
achievements provide reliable commentary on the nature of government. Instead of allowing the market to correct itself after
the 1929 Wall Street setback, Hoover and (especially) he intervened again and again, so creating massive poverty while
raising the FedGov to unprecedented power in the land. Then he deliberately and craftily engaged America in its second most
costly war ever in order to raise the Nation to unprecedented power in the world.
His success in creating a massive government in a massive nation is universally celebrated
to this day in the city where he did it, and I agree; this bloodthirsty megalomaniac is the archetypical government leader.
Accordingly, all who agree in deploring the wicked deceptions of
Pearl Harbor and Rainbow Five, along with the mindless savagery of the unconditional surrender policy, have no rational
alternative but to deplore government itself.
Adolf Hitler declared war on the USA in part after learning of the Rainbow 5 Plan... Wouldn't
Hours after Pearl Harbor was bombed on December 7, 1941,
the Secret Service found themselves in a bind.
President Franklin D. Roosevelt was to give his Day of Infamy
speech to Congress on Monday, and although the trip from the
White House to Capitol Hill was short, agents weren't sure how
to transport him safely.
At the time, Federal Law prohibited buying any cars that cost
more than $750, so they would have to get clearance from
Congress to do that, and nobody had time for that.
One of the Secret Service members, however, discovered that the
US Treasury had seized the bulletproof car that mobster Al Capone
owned when he was sent to jail in 1931.
They cleaned it, made sure it was running perfectly and
had it ready for the President the next day.
Al Capone's 1928 Cadillac V-8 "Al Capone" Town Sedan
Became the President's Limo in December 1941 .
Roosevelt Conspired to Start
World War II in Europe
We Elected Their Nemesis ... But He Was Ours
historians claim that U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt never wanted war and made every reasonable effort to prevent
war. This article will show that contrary to what establishment historians claim, Franklin Roosevelt and his
administration wanted war and made every effort to instigate World War II in Europe.
THE SECRET POLISH DOCUMENTS
The Germans seized a mass of documents from the Polish Ministry of Foreign
Affairs when they invaded Warsaw in late September 1939. The documents were seized when a German SS brigade led
by Freiherr von Kuensberg captured the center of Warsaw ahead of the regular German army. Von Kuensberg’s
men took control of the Polish Foreign Ministry just as Ministry officials were in the process of burning incriminating
documents. These documents clearly establish Roosevelt’s crucial role in planning and instigating World War
II. They also reveal the forces behind President Roosevelt that pushed for war.
Some of the secret Polish
documents were first published in the United States as The German White Paper. Probably the most-revealing
document in the collection is a secret report dated January 12, 1939 by Jerzy Potocki, the Polish ambassador to
the United States. This report discusses the domestic situation in the United States. I quote (a translation of)
Ambassador Potocki’s report in full:
There is a feeling now prevalent in the United States marked by growing hatred of Fascism, and
above all of Chancellor Hitler and everything connected with National Socialism. Propaganda is mostly in the hands
of the Jews who control almost 100% [of the] radio, film, daily and periodical press. Although this propaganda
is extremely coarse and presents Germany as black as possible--above all religious persecution and concentration
camps are exploited--this propaganda is nevertheless extremely effective since the public here is completely ignorant
and knows nothing of the situation in Europe.
At the present moment most
Americans regard Chancellor Hitler and National Socialism as the greatest evil and greatest peril threatening
the world. The situation here provides an excellent platform for public speakers of all kinds, for emigrants from
Germany and Czechoslovakia who with a great many words and with most various calumnies incite the public. They
praise American liberty which they contrast with the totalitarian states.
is interesting to note that in this extremely well-planned campaign which is conducted above all against National
Socialism, Soviet Russia is almost completely eliminated. Soviet Russia, if mentioned at all, is mentioned in
a friendly manner and things are presented in such a way that it would seem that the Soviet Union were cooperating
with the bloc of democratic states. Thanks to the clever propaganda the sympathies of the American public are
completely on the side of Red Spain.
This propaganda, this war psychosis
is being artificially created. The American people are told that peace in Europe is hanging only by a thread and
that war is inevitable. At the same time the American people are unequivocally told that in case of a world war,
America also must take an active part in order to defend the slogans of liberty and democracy in the world. President
Roosevelt was the first one to express hatred against Fascism. In doing so he was serving a double purpose; first
he wanted to divert the attention of the American people from difficult and intricate domestic problems, especially
from the problem of the struggle between capital and labor. Second, by creating a war psychosis and by spreading
rumors concerning dangers threatening Europe, he wanted to induce the American people to accept an enormous armament
program which far exceeds United States defense requirements.
the first point, it must be said that the internal situation on the labor market is growing worse constantly.
The unemployed today already number 12 million. Federal and state expenditures are increasing daily. Only the
huge sums, running into billions, which the treasury expends for emergency labor projects, are keeping a certain
amount of peace in the country. Thus far only the usual strikes and local unrest have taken place. But how long
this government aid can be kept up it is difficult to predict today. The excitement and indignation of public
opinion, and the serious conflict between private enterprises and enormous trusts on the one hand, and with labor
on the other, have made many enemies for Roosevelt and are causing him many sleepless nights.
As to point two, I can only say that President Roosevelt, as a clever player of politics and
a connoisseur of American mentality, speedily steered public attention away from the domestic situation in order
to fasten it on foreign policy. The way to achieve this was simple. One needed, on the one hand, to enhance the
war menace overhanging the world on account of Chancellor Hitler, and, on the other hand, to create a specter by talking
about the attack of the totalitarian states on the United States. The Munich pact came to President Roosevelt as
a godsend. He described it as the capitulation of France and England to bellicose German militarism. As was said
here: Hitler compelled Chamberlain at pistol-point. Hence, France and England had no choice and had to conclude
a shameful peace.
The prevalent hatred against everything which is in
any way connected with German National Socialism is further kindled by the brutal attitude against the Jews in
Germany and by the émigré problem. In this action Jewish intellectuals participated; for instance,
Bernard Baruch; the Governor of New York State, Lehman; the newly appointed judge of the Supreme Court, Felix
Frankfurter; Secretary of the Treasury Morgenthau, and others who are personal friends of Roosevelt. They want
the President to become the champion of human rights, freedom of religion and speech, and the man who in the future
will punish trouble-mongers. These groups, people who want to pose as representatives of “Americanism”
and “defenders of democracy” in the last analysis, are connected by unbreakable ties with international
For this Jewish international, which above all is concerned with
the interests of its race, to put the President of the United States at this “ideal” post of champion
of human rights, was a clever move. In this manner they created a dangerous hotbed for hatred and hostility in
this hemisphere and divided the world into two hostile camps. The entire issue is worked out in a mysterious manner.
Roosevelt has been forcing the foundation for vitalizing American foreign policy, and simultaneously has been
procuring enormous stocks for the coming war, for which the Jews are striving consciously. With regard to domestic
policy, it is extremely convenient to divert public attention from anti-Semitism which is ever growing in the
United States, by talking about the necessity of defending faith and individual liberty against the onslaught
On January 16, 1939,
Potocki reported to the Warsaw Foreign Ministry a conversation he had with American Ambassador to France William
Bullitt. Bullitt was in Washington on a leave of absence from Paris. Potocki reported that Bullitt stated the
main objectives of the Roosevelt administration were:
1. The vitalizing foreign policy, under the leadership of President
Roosevelt, severely and unambiguously condemns totalitarian countries.
2. The United States preparation for war on sea, land and air which will be carried out at an accelerated speed
and will consume the colossal sum of $1,250 million.
3. It is
the decided opinion of the President that France and Britain must put [an] end to any sort of compromise with the
totalitarian countries. They must not let themselves in for any discussions aiming at any kind of territorial
4. They have the moral assurance that the United States
will leave the policy of isolation and be prepared to intervene actively on the side of Britain and France in case
of war. America is ready to place its whole wealth of money and raw materials at their disposal.”
Juliusz (Jules) Łukasiewicz,
the Polish ambassador to France, sent a top-secret report from Paris to the Polish Foreign Ministry at the beginning
of February 1939. This report outlined the U.S. policy toward Europe as explained to him by William Bullitt:
A week ago, the Ambassador
of the United States, W. Bullitt, returned to Paris after having spent three months holiday in America. Meanwhile,
I had two conversations with him which enable me to inform Monsieur Minister on his views regarding the European
situation and to give a survey of Washington’s policy….
international situation is regarded by official quarters as extremely serious and being in danger of armed conflict.
Competent quarters are of the opinion that if war should break out between Britain and France on the one hand
and Germany and Italy on the other, and Britain and France should be defeated, the Germans would become dangerous
to the realistic interests of the United States on the American continent. For this reason, one can foresee right
from the beginning the participation of the United States in the war on the side of France and Britain, naturally
after some time had elapsed after the beginning of the war. Ambassador Bullitt expressed this as follows: “Should
war break out we shall certainly not take part in it at the beginning, but we shall end it.”
On March 7, 1939,
Ambassador Potocki sent another remarkably perceptive report on Roosevelt’s foreign policy to the Polish
government. I quote Potocki’s report in full:
The foreign policy of the United States right now concerns not only
the government, but the entire American public as well. The most important elements are the public statements
of President Roosevelt. In almost every public speech he refers more or less explicitly to the necessity of activating
foreign policy against the chaos of views and ideologies in Europe. These statements are picked up by the press
and then cleverly filtered into the minds of average Americans in such a way as to strengthen their already formed
opinions. The same theme is constantly repeated, namely, the danger of war in Europe and saving the democracies
from inundation by enemy fascism. In all of these public statements there is normally only a single theme, that
is, the danger from Nazism and Nazi Germany to world peace.
As a result
of these speeches, the public is called upon to support rearmament and the spending of enormous sums for the navy
and the air force. The unmistakable idea behind this is that in case of an armed conflict the United States cannot stay
out but must take an active part in the maneuvers. As a result of the effective speeches of President Roosevelt,
which are supported by the press, the American public is today being conscientiously manipulated to hate everything
that smacks of totalitarianism and fascism. But it is interesting that the USSR is not included in all of this.
The American public considers Russia more in the camp of the democratic states. This was also the case during the
Spanish civil war when the so-called Loyalists were regarded as defenders of the democratic idea.
The State Department operates without attracting a great deal of attention, although it is
known that Secretary of State [Cordell] Hull and President Roosevelt swear allegiance to the same ideas. However,
Hull shows more reserve than Roosevelt, and he loves to make a distinction between Nazism and Chancellor Hitler
on the one hand, and the German people on the other. He considers this form of dictatorial government a temporary
“necessary evil.” In contrast, the State Department is unbelievably interested in the USSR and its
internal situation and openly worries itself over its weaknesses and decline. The main reason for the United States
interest in the Russians is the situation in the Far East. The current government would be glad to see the Red Army
emerge as the victor in a conflict with Japan. That’s why the sympathies of the government are clearly on the
side of China, which recently received considerable financial aid amounting to 25 million dollars.
Eager attention is given to all information from the diplomatic posts as well as to the special emissaries
of the President who serve as ambassadors of the United States. The President frequently calls his representatives
from abroad to Washington for personal exchanges of views and to give them special information and instructions.
The arrival of the envoys and ambassadors is always shrouded in secrecy and very little surfaces in the press
about the results of their visits. The State Department also takes care to avoid giving out any kind of information
about the course of these interviews. The practical way in which the President makes foreign policy is most effective.
He gives personal instructions to his representatives abroad, most of whom are his personal friends. In this way
the United States is led down a dangerous path in world politics with the explicit intention of abandoning the
comfortable policy of isolation. The President regards the foreign policy of his country as a means of satisfying
his own personal ambition. He listens carefully and happily to his echo in the other capitals of the world. In
domestic as well as foreign policy, the Congress of the United States is the only object that stands in the way
of the President and his government in carrying out his decisions quickly and ambitiously. One hundred and fifty
years ago, the Constitution of the United States gave the highest prerogatives to the American parliament which may
criticize or reject the law of the White House.
The foreign policy
of President Roosevelt has recently been the subject of intense discussion in the lower house and in the Senate,
and this has caused excitement. The so-called Isolationists, of whom there are many in both houses, have come
out strongly against the President. The representatives and the senators were especially upset over the remarks
of the President, which were published in the press, in which he said that the borders of the United States lie
on the Rhine. But President Roosevelt is a superb political player and understands completely the power of the
American parliament. He has his own people there, and he knows how to withdraw from an uncomfortable situation
at the right moment.
Very intelligently and cleverly he ties together
the question of foreign policy with the issues of American rearmament. He particularly stresses the necessity of spending
enormous sums in order to maintain a defensive peace. He says specifically that the United States is not arming
in order to intervene or to go to the aid of England or France in case of war, but because of the need to show
strength and military preparedness in case of an armed conflict in Europe. In his view this conflict is becoming
ever more acute and is completely unavoidable.
Since the issue is presented
this way, the houses of Congress have no cause to object. To the contrary, the houses accepted an armament program
of more than 1 billion dollars. (The normal budget is 550 million, the emergency 552 million dollars). However,
under the cloak of a rearmament policy, President Roosevelt continues to push forward his foreign policy, which
unofficially shows the world that in case of war the United States will come out on the side of the democratic
states with all military and financial power.
In conclusion it can be
said that the technical and moral preparation of the American people for participation in a war--if one should
break out in Europe--is proceeding rapidly. It appears that the United States will come to the aid of France and
Great Britain with all its resources right from the beginning. However, I know the American public and the representatives
and senators who all have the final word, and I am of the opinion that the possibility that America will enter
the war as in 1917 is not great. That’s because the majority of the states in the mid-West and West, where
the rural element predominates, want to avoid involvement in European disputes at all costs. They remember the
declaration of the Versailles Treaty and the well-known phrase that the war was to save the world for democracy.
Neither the Versailles Treaty nor that slogan have reconciled the United States to that war. For millions there
remains only a bitter aftertaste because of unpaid billions which the European states still owe America.
These secret Polish
reports were written by top-level Polish ambassadors who were not necessarily friendly to Germany. However, they
understood the realities of European politics far better than people who made foreign policy in the United States.
The Polish ambassadors realized that behind all of their rhetoric about democracy and human rights, the Jewish
leaders in the United States who agitated for war against Germany were deceptively advancing their own interests.
There is no question that the secret documents
taken from the Polish Foreign Ministry in Warsaw are authentic. Charles C. Tansill considered the documents genuine
and stated, “Some months ago I had a long conversation with M. Lipsky, the Polish ambassador in Berlin in
the prewar years, and he assured me that the documents in the German White Paper are authentic.”
William H. Chamberlain wrote,
“I have been privately informed by an extremely reliable source that Potocki, now residing in South America,
confirmed the accuracy of the documents, so far as he was concerned.” Historian Harry Elmer Barnes also stated, “Both Professor Tansill and myself have independently established the thorough
authenticity of these documents.”
Edward Raczyński, the
Polish ambassador to London from 1934 to 1945, confirmed in his diary the authenticity of the Polish documents.
He wrote in his entry on June 20, 1940: “The Germans published in April a White Book containing documents
from the archives of our Ministry of Foreign Affairs, consisting of reports from Potocki from Washington, Łukasiewicz
in Paris and myself. I do not know where they found them, since we were told that the archives had been destroyed.
The documents are certainly genuine, and the facsimiles show that for the most part the Germans got hold of the
originals and not merely copies.”
The official papers and memoirs
of Juliusz Łukasiewicz published in 1970 in the book Diplomat in Paris 1936-1939 reconfirmed the authenticity
of the Polish documents. Łukasiewicz was the Polish ambassador to Paris, who authored several of the secret
Polish documents. The collection was edited by Wacław Jędrzejewicz, a former Polish diplomat and cabinet
member. Jędrzejewicz considered the documents made public by the Germans absolutely genuine, and quoted from
several of them.
Kent, who worked at the U.S. Embassy in London in 1939 and 1940, has also confirmed the authenticity of the secret
Polish documents. Kent says that he saw copies of U.S. diplomatic messages in the files which corresponded to
the Polish documents. 
The German Foreign Office
published the Polish documents on March 29, 1940. The Reich Ministry of Propaganda released the documents to strengthen
the case of the American isolationists and to prove the degree of America’s responsibility for the outbreak
of war. In Berlin, journalists from around the world were permitted to examine the original documents themselves,
along with a large number of other documents from the Polish Foreign Ministry. The release of the documents caused
an international media sensation. American newspapers published lengthy excerpts from the documents and gave the
story large front-page headline coverage.
However, the impact of the
released documents was far less than the German government had hoped for. Leading U.S. government officials emphatically
denounced the documents as not being authentic. William Bullitt, who was especially incriminated by
the documents, stated, “I have never made to anyone the statements attributed to me.” Secretary of
State Cordell Hull denounced the documents: “I may say most emphatically that neither I nor any of my associates
in the Department of State have ever heard of any such conversations as those alleged, nor do we give them the
slightest credence. The statements alleged have not represented in any way at any time the thought or the policy
of the American government.” American newspapers stressed these high-level denials in reporting the release of the Polish documents.
These categorical denials by high-level U.S. government officials almost
completely eliminated the effect of the secret Polish documents. The vast majority of the American people in 1940
trusted their elected political leaders to tell the truth. If the Polish documents were in fact authentic and
genuine, this would mean that President Roosevelt and his representatives had lied to the American public, while
the German government told the truth. In 1940, this was far more than the trusting American public could accept.
MORE EVIDENCE ROOSEVELT INSTIGATED WORLD
While the secret Polish documents
alone indicate that Roosevelt was preparing the American public for war against Germany, a large amount of complementary
evidence confirms the conspiracy reported by the Polish ambassadors. The diary of James V. Forrestal, the first
U.S. secretary of defense, also reveals that Roosevelt and his administration helped start World War II. Forrestal’s
entry on December 27, 1945 stated:
Played golf today with Joe Kennedy [Roosevelt’s Ambassador to Great Britain in the years
immediately before the war]. I asked him about his conversations with Roosevelt and Neville Chamberlain from 1938
on. He said Chamberlain’s position in 1938 was that England had nothing with which to fight and that she
could not risk going to war with Hitler. Kennedy’s view: That Hitler would have fought Russia without any
later conflict with England if it had not been for Bullitt’s urging on Roosevelt in the summer of 1939 that
the Germans must be faced down about Poland; neither the French nor the British would have made Poland a cause of war
if it had not been for the constant needling from Washington. Bullitt, he said, kept telling Roosevelt that the
Germans wouldn’t fight; Kennedy that they would, and that they would overrun Europe. Chamberlain, he says,
stated that America and the world Jews had forced England into the war. In his telephone conversations with Roosevelt
in the summer of 1939 the President kept telling him to put some iron up Chamberlain’s backside. Kennedy’s
response always was that putting iron up his backside did no good unless the British had some iron with which
to fight, and they did not….
What Kennedy told me in this conversation
jibes substantially with the remarks Clarence Dillon had made to me already, to the general effect that Roosevelt
had asked him in some manner to communicate privately with the British to the end that Chamberlain should have
greater firmness in his dealings with Germany. Dillon told me that at Roosevelt’s request he had talked
with Lord Lothian in the same general sense as Kennedy reported Roosevelt having urged him to do with Chamberlain.
Lothian presumably was to communicate to Chamberlain the gist of his conversation with Dillon.
Looking backward there is undoubtedly foundation for Kennedy’s belief that Hitler’s
attack could have been deflected to Russia….”
Joseph Kennedy is known
to have had a good memory, and it is highly likely that Kennedy’s statements to James Forrestal are accurate.
Forrestal died on May 22, 1949 under suspicious circumstances when he fell from his hospital window.
Sir Ronald Lindsay, the British ambassador
to Washington, confirmed Roosevelt’s secret policy to instigate war against Germany with the release of
a confidential diplomatic report after the war. The report described a secret meeting on September 18, 1938 between
Roosevelt and Ambassador Lindsay. Roosevelt said that if Britain and France were forced into a war against Germany,
the United States would ultimately join the war. Roosevelt’s idea to start a war was for Britain and France
to impose a blockade against Germany without actually declaring war. The important point was to call it a defensive
war based on lofty humanitarian grounds and on the desire to wage hostilities with a minimum of suffering and
the least possible loss of life and property. The blockade would provoke some kind of German military response,
but would free Britain and France from having to declare war. Roosevelt believed he could then convince the American public
to support war against Germany, including shipments of weapons to Britain and France, by insisting that the United
States was still neutral in a non-declared conflict.
President Roosevelt told
Ambassador Lindsay that if news of their conversation was ever made public, it could mean Roosevelt’s impeachment.
What Roosevelt proposed to Lindsay was in effect a scheme to violate the U.S. Constitution by illegally starting
a war. For this and other reasons, Ambassador Lindsay stated that during his three years of service in Washington
he developed little regard for America’s leaders.
Ambassador Lindsay in a series
of final reports also indicated that Roosevelt was delighted at the prospect of a new world war. Roosevelt promised
Lindsay that he would delay German ships under false pretenses in a feigned search for arms. This would allow the
German ships to be easily seized by the British under circumstances arranged with exactitude between the American
and British authorities. Lindsay reported that Roosevelt “spoke in a tone of almost impish glee and though
I may be wrong the whole business gave me the impression of resembling a school-boy prank.”
Ambassador Lindsay was personally perturbed that the president of the
United States could be gay and joyful about a pending tragedy which seemed so destructive of the hopes of all
mankind. It was unfortunate at this important juncture that the United States had a president whose emotions and
ideas were regarded by a friendly British ambassador as being childish.
to support France and England in a war against Germany is discussed in a letter from Verne Marshall, former editor
of the Cedar Rapids Gazette, to Charles C. Tansill. The letter stated:
President Roosevelt wrote a note to William Bullitt
[in the summer of 1939], then Ambassador to France, directing him to advise the French Government that if, in
the event of a Nazi attack upon Poland, France and England did not go to Poland’s aid, those countries could
expect no help from America if a general war developed. On the other hand, if France and England immediately declared
war on Germany, they could expect “all aid” from the United States.
F.D.R.’s instructions to Bullitt were to send this word along to “Joe” and “Tony,”
meaning Ambassadors Kennedy, in London, and Biddle, in Warsaw, respectively. F.D.R. wanted Daladier, Chamberlain
and Josef Beck to know of these instructions to Bullitt. Bullitt merely sent his note from F.D.R. to Kennedy in
the diplomatic pouch from Paris. Kennedy followed Bullitt’s idea and forwarded it to Biddle. When the Nazis
grabbed Warsaw and Beck disappeared, they must have come into possession of the F.D.R. note. The man who wrote
the report I sent you saw it in Berlin in October, 1939.
William Phillips, the
American ambassador to Italy, also stated in his postwar memoirs that the Roosevelt administration in late 1938
was committed to going to war on the side of Britain and France. Phillips wrote: “On this and many other
occasions, I would have liked to have told him [Count Ciano, the Italian Foreign Minister] frankly that in the
event of a European war, the United States would undoubtedly be involved on the side of the Allies. But in view
of my official position, I could not properly make such a statement without instructions from Washington, and
these I never received.”
When Anthony Eden returned
to England in December 1938, he carried with him an assurance from President Roosevelt that the United States
would enter as soon as practicable a European war against Hitler if the occasion arose. This information was obtained
by Senator William Borah of Idaho, who was contemplating how and when to give out this information, when he dropped
dead in his bathroom. The story was confirmed to historian Harry Elmer Barnes by some of Senator Borah’s
closest colleagues at the time.
ambassador to Poland, Anthony Drexel Biddle, was an ideological colleague of President Roosevelt and a good friend
of William Bullitt. Roosevelt used Biddle to influence the Polish government to refuse to enter into negotiations
with Germany. Carl J. Burckhardt, the League of Nations High Commissioner to Danzig, reported in his postwar memoirs
on a memorable conversation he had with Biddle. On December 2, 1938, Biddle told Burckhardt with remarkable satisfaction
that the Poles were ready to wage war over Danzig. Biddle predicted that in April a new crisis would develop,
and that moderate British and French leaders would be influenced by public opinion to support war. Biddle predicted
a holy war against Germany would break out.
Bernard Baruch, who was Roosevelt’s
chief advisor, scoffed at a statement made on March 10, 1939 by Neville Chamberlain that “the outlook in
international affairs is tranquil.” Baruch agreed passionately with Winston Churchill, who had told him:
“War is coming very soon. We will be in it and you [the United States] will be in it.”
Bonnet, the French foreign minister in 1939, also confirmed the role of William Bullitt as Roosevelt’s agent
in pushing France into war. In a letter to Hamilton Fish dated March 26, 1971, Bonnet wrote, “One thing
is certain is that Bullitt in 1939 did everything he could to make France enter the war.”
Dr. Edvard Beneš,
the former president of Czechoslovakia, wrote in his memoirs that he had a lengthy secret conversation at Hyde
Park with President Roosevelt on May 28, 1939. Roosevelt assured Beneš that the United States would actively
intervene on the side of Great Britain and France against Germany in the anticipated European war.
American newspaper columnist
Karl von Wiegand, who was the chief European newspaper columnist of the International News Service, met with Ambassador
William Bullitt at the U.S. embassy in Paris on April 25, 1939. More than four months before the outbreak of war,
Bullitt told Wiegand: “War in Europe has been decided upon. Poland has the assurance of the support of Britain
and France, and will yield to no demands from Germany. America will be in the war soon after Britain and France
enter it.” When Wiegand said that in the end Germany would be driven into the arms of Soviet Russia and Bolshevism, Ambassador Bullitt
replied: “What of it. There will not be enough Germans left when the war is over to be worth Bolshevizing.”
On March 14, 1939, Slovakia dissolved the state of Czechoslovakia by declaring itself an independent republic.
Czechoslovakian President Emil Hácha signed a formal agreement the next day with Hitler establishing a
German protectorate over Bohemia and Moravia, which constituted the Czech portion of the previous entity. The British
government initially accepted the new situation, reasoning that Britain’s guarantee of Czechoslovakia given
after Munich was rendered void by the internal collapse of that state. It soon became evident after the proclamation
of the Protectorate of Bohemia-Moravia that the new regime enjoyed considerable popularity among the people living
in it. Also, the danger of a war between the Czechs and the Slovaks had been averted.
response to the creation of the German protectorate over Bohemia and Moravia was highly unfavorable. Bullitt telephoned
Roosevelt and, in an “almost hysterical” voice, Bullitt urged Roosevelt to make a dramatic denunciation
of Germany and to immediately ask Congress to repeal the Neutrality Act.
Washington journalists Drew
Pearson and Robert S. Allen reported in their nationally syndicated column that on March 16, 1939, President Roosevelt
“sent a virtual ultimatum to Chamberlain” demanding that the British government strongly oppose Germany.
Pearson and Allen reported that “the President warned that Britain could expect no more support, moral or
material through the sale of airplanes, if the Munich policy continued.”
Responding to Roosevelt’s
pressure, the next day Chamberlain ended Britain’s policy of cooperation with Germany when he made a speech
at Birmingham bitterly denouncing Hitler. Chamberlain also announced the end of the British “appeasement”
policy, stating that from now on Britain would oppose any further territorial moves by Hitler. Two weeks later
the British government formally committed itself to war in case of German-Polish hostilities.
Roosevelt also attempted to arm Poland so that Poland would be more willing
to go to war against Germany. Ambassador Bullitt reported from Paris in a confidential telegram to Washington
on April 9, 1939, his conversation with Polish Ambassador Łukasiewicz. Bullitt told Łukasiewicz that
although U.S. law prohibited direct financial aid to Poland, the Roosevelt administration might be able to supply
warplanes to Poland indirectly through Britain. Bullitt stated: “The Polish ambassador asked me if it might
not be possible for Poland to obtain financial help and airplanes from the United States. I replied that I believed
the Johnson Act would forbid any loans from the United States to Poland, but added that it might be possible for
England to purchase planes for cash in the United States and turn them over to Poland.”
Bullitt also attempted to
bypass the Neutrality Act and supply France with airplanes. A secret conference of Ambassador Bullitt with French
Premier Daladier and the French minister of aviation, Guy La Chambre, discussed the procurement of airplanes from
America for France. Bullitt, who was in frequent telephonic conversation with Roosevelt, suggested a means by
which the Neutrality Act could be circumvented in the event of war. Bullitt’s suggestion was to set up assembly
plants in Canada, apparently on the assumption that Canada would not be a formal belligerent in the war. Bullitt
also arranged for a secret French mission to come to the United States and purchase airplanes in the winter of
1938-1939. The secret purchase of American airplanes by the French leaked out when a French aviator crashed on the
On August 23, 1939, Sir Horace
Wilson, Chamberlain’s closest advisor, went to American Ambassador Joseph Kennedy with an urgent appeal from
Chamberlain to President Roosevelt. Regretting that Britain had unequivocally obligated itself to Poland in case
of war, Chamberlain now turned to Roosevelt as a last hope for peace. Kennedy telephoned the State Department
and stated: “The British want one thing from us and one thing only, namely that we put pressure on the Poles.
They felt that they could not, given their obligations, do anything of this sort but that we could.”
Presented with a possibility to
save the peace in Europe, President Roosevelt rejected Chamberlain’s desperate plea out of hand. With Roosevelt’s
rejection, Kennedy reported, British Prime Minister Chamberlain lost all hope. Chamberlain stated: “The futility
of it all is the thing that is frightful. After all, we cannot save the Poles. We can merely carry on a war of
revenge that will mean the destruction of all Europe.”
U.S. President Franklin Roosevelt and his advisers played
a crucial role in planning and instigating World War II. This is proven by the secret Polish documents as well
as numerous statements from highly positioned, well-known and authoritative Allied leaders who corroborate the
contents of the Polish documents.
 Count Jerzy Potocki to Polish Foreign Minister in Warsaw, The German White Paper: Full Text of the Polish Documents Issued
by the Berlin Foreign Office; with a foreword by C. Hartley Grattan, New York: Howell, Soskin & Company,
1940, pp. 29-31.
 Juliusz Lukasiewicz to Polish Foreign Minister in Warsaw, The German White Paper: Full Text of the Polish Documents Issued
by the Berlin Foreign Office; with a foreword by C. Hartley Grattan, New York: Howell, Soskin & Company,
1940, pp. 43-44.
 Germany. Foreign Office Archive Commission. Roosevelts Weg in den Krieg: Geheimdokumente zur Kriegspolitik des Praesidenten
der Vereinigten Staaten. Berlin: Deutscher Verlag, 1943. Translated into English by Weber, Mark, “President
Roosevelt’s Campaign to Incite War in Europe: The Secret Polish Documents,” The Journal of Historical
Review, Summer 1983, Vol. 4, No. 2, pp. 150-152.
 Tansill, Charles C., “The United States and the Road to War in Europe,” in Barnes, Harry Elmer (ed.), Perpetual
War for Perpetual Peace, Newport Beach, Cal.: Institute for Historical Review, 1993, p. 184 (footnote 292).
 Chamberlain, William Henry, America’s Second Crusade, Chicago: Regnery, 1950, p. 60 (footnote 14).
 Barnes, Harry Elmer, The Court Historians versus Revisionism, N.p.: privately printed, 1952, p. 10.
 Raczynski, Edward, In Allied London, London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1963, p. 51.
 Weber, Mark, “President Roosevelt’s Campaign to Incite War in Europe: The Secret Polish Documents,” The
Journal of Historical Review, Summer 1983, Vol. 4, No. 2, p. 142.
 New York Times, March 30, 1940, p. 1.
 Forrestal, James V., The Forrestal Diaries, edited by Walter Millis and E.S. Duffield, New York: Vanguard Press,
1951, pp. 121-122.
 Dispatch No. 349 of Sept. 30, 1938, by Sir Ronald Lindsay, Documents on British Foreign Policy, (ed.). Ernest L.
Woodard, Third Series, Vol. VII, London, 1954, pp. 627-629. See also Lash, Joseph P., Roosevelt and Churchill
1939-1941, New York: Norton, 1976, pp. 25-27.
 Dallek, Robert, Franklin D. Roosevelt and American Foreign Policy 1932-1945, New York: Oxford University Press,
1979, pp. 31, 164-165.
 Hoggan, David L., The Forced War: When Peaceful Revision Failed, Costa Mesa, Cal.: Institute for Historical Review,
1989, pp. 518-519.
 Tansill, Charles C., “The United States and the Road to War in Europe,” in Barnes, Harry Elmer (ed.), Perpetual
War for Perpetual Peace, Newport Beach, Cal.: Institute for Historical Review, 1993, p. 168.
 Phillips, William, Ventures in Diplomacy, North Beverly, Mass.: privately published, 1952, pp. 220-221.
 Barnes, Harry Elmer, Barnes against the Blackout, Costa Mesa, Cal.: Institute for Historical Review, 1991, p. 208.
 Burckhardt, Carl, Meine Danziger Mission 1937-1939, Munich: Callwey, 1960, p. 225.
 Sherwood, Robert E., Roosevelt and Hopkins, an Intimate History, New York: Harper & Brothers, 1948, p. 113.
 Fish, Hamilton, FDR The Other Side of the Coin: How We Were Tricked into World War II, New York: Vantage Press,
1976, p. 62.
 Beneš, Edvard, Memoirs of Dr. Edvard Beneš, London: George Allen & Unwin, 1954, pp. 79-80.
 “Von Wiegand Says-,” Chicago-Herald American, Oct. 8, 1944, p. 2.
 Chicago-Herald American, April 23, 1944, p. 18.
 Hoggan, David L., The Forced War: When Peaceful Revision Failed, Costa Mesa, Cal.: Institute for Historical Review,
1989, p. 250.
 Moffat, Jay P., The Moffat Papers 1919-1943, Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1956, p. 232.
 Pearson, Drew and Allen, Robert S., “Washington Daily Merry-Go-Round,” Washington Times-Herald, April
14, 1939, p. 16.
 U.S. Department of State, Foreign Relations of the United States (Diplomatic Papers), 1939, General, Vol. I, Washington:
1956, p. 122.
 Chamberlain, William Henry, America’s Second Crusade, Chicago: Regnery, 1950, pp. 101-102.
 Koskoff, David E., Joseph P. Kennedy: A Life and Times, Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1974, p. 207; see
also Taylor, A.J.P., The Origins of the Second World War, New York: Simon & Schuster, 2005, p.
'Fake News' 1941: Pres. Roosevelt's 'Secret Map' Speech
Infamous 'Secret Map' Speech
... Roosevelt was not the first or the last American president to lie to the people.
But rarely has a major American political figure given a speech as loaded with brazen falsehood as Franklin Roosevelt
did in his Navy Day address of October 27, 1941 ... Roosevelt went on to reveal that he also had in his possession "another
document made in Germany by Hitler's government. It is a detailed plan to abolish all existing religions -- Catholic,
Protestant, Mohammedan, Hindu, Buddhist, and Jewish alike" which Germany will impose "on a dominated world, if
FDR's Astounding Counterfeit Nazi Invasion Map
In 1941, President
Franklin D. Roosevelt faced an excruciatingly delicate task. Although he had promised - and campaigned on - a policy of
American neutrality in World War II the year before, Rooseveltached to help the Allies ... How, exactly, could he about-face
and sell the war to his people? In October of that year, he masterfully managed the feat. In his nationally-broadcast
Navy Day address, Roosevelt made an extraordinary claim ... The map - presented as clear evidence of the Nazis' hostile
aspirations in what was (under the century old Monroe doctrine) still considered "America's backyard" - had its
intended effect. Although the Germans vehemently denied the map's existence, the American people largely rallied behind
what could now be pitched as a preemptive war of self-defense.
President Franklin D. Roosevelt's Jewish Cabal Some of these Jews were directly responsible for plunging America into
WWII by deliberately alienating America from anti-Communist countries such as Germany and Japan long before the outbreak
of hostilities. These Jews also pioneered the idea of Big Egalitarian Government in America; some of them were later discovered
to have been spies for the Soviet Union.
by VNN research
Franklin Delano Roosevelt (photo at right), president of the United States of America, 1933-1945, was himself partly
of Dutch-Jewish ancestry.
1. Bernard M. Baruch -- a financier and adviser to FDR.
2. Felix Frankfurter
-- Supreme Court Justice; a key player in FDR's New Deal system.
3. David E. Lilienthal -- director of Tennessee
Valley Authority, adviser. The TVA changed the relationship of government-to-business in America.
Niles -- presidential aide.
5. Louis Brandeis -- U.S. Supreme Court Justice; confidante of FDR; "Father"
of New Deal.
6. Samuel I. Rosenman -- official speechwriter for FDR.
7. Henry Morgenthau Jr. --
Secretary of the Treasury, "unofficial" presidential adviser. Father of the Morgenthau Plan to re-structure Germany/Europe
8. Benjamin V. Cohen -- State Department official, adviser to FDR.
9. Rabbi Stephen
Wise -- close pal of FDR, spokesman for the American Zionist movement, head of The American Jewish Congress.
10. Frances Perkins -- Secretary of Labor; allegedly Jewish/adopted at birth; unconfirmed.
11. Sidney Hillman
-- presidential adviser.
12. Anna Rosenberg -- longtime labor adviser to FDR, and manpower adviser with the
Manpower Consulting Committee of the Army and Navy Munitions Board and the War Manpower Commission.
H. Lehman -- Governor of New York, 1933-1942, Director of U.S. Office of Foreign Relief and Rehabilitation Operations, Department
of State, 1942-1943; Director-General of UNRRA, 1944 - 1946, pal of FDR.
14. Herbert Feis -- U.S. State Department
official, economist, and an adviser on international economic affairs.
15. R. S. Hecht -- financial adviser to
16. Nathan Margold -- Department of the Interior Solicitor, legal adviser.
17. Jesse I. Straus
-- adviser to FDR.
18. H. J. Laski -- "unofficial foreign adviser" to FDR.
19. E. W. Goldenweiser
-- Federal Reserve Director.
20. Charles E. Wyzanski -- U.S. Labor department legal adviser.
Samuel Untermyer -- lawyer, "unofficial public ownership adviser" to FDR.
22. Jacob Viner -- Tax expert
at the U.S. Treasury Department, assistant to the Treasury Secretary.
23. Edward Filene -- businessman, philanthropist,
unofficial presidential adviser.
24. David Dubinsky -- Labor leader, president of International Ladies Garment
25. William C. Bullitt -- part-Jewish, ambassador to USSR [is claimed to be Jonathan Horwitz's
26. Mordecai Ezekiel -- Agriculture Department economist.
27. Abe Fortas
-- Assistant director of Securities and Exchange Commission, Department of the Interior Undersecretary.
Isador Lubin -- Commissioner of Labor Statistics, unofficial labor economist to FDR.
29. Harry Dexter White [Weiss]
-- Assistant Secretary of the Treasury; a key founder of the International Monetary Fund, and the World Bank; adviser, close
pal of Henry Morgenthau. Co-wrote the Morgenthau Plan.
30. Alexander Holtzoff -- Special assistant, U.S. Attorney
General's Office until 1945; [presumed to be Jewish; unconfirmed].
31. David Weintraub -- official in the Office
of Foreign Relief and Rehabilitation Operations; helped create the United Nations; Secretary, Committee on Supplies, 1944-1946.
32. Nathan Gregory Silvermaster -- Agriculture Department official and head of the Near East Division of the Board
of Economic Warfare; helped create the United Nations.
33. Harold Glasser -- Treasury Department director of
the division of monetary research. Treasury spokesman on the affairs of United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration.
34. Irving Kaplan -- U.S. Treasury Department official, pal of David Weintraub.
35. Solomon Adler --
Treasury Department representative in China during World War II.
36. Benjamin Cardozo -- U.S. Supreme Court Justice.
37. Leo Wolman -- chairman of the National Recovery Administration's Labor advisery Board; labor economist.
38. Rose Schneiderman -- labor organizer; on the advisery board of the National Recovery Administration.
39. Jerome Frank -- general counsel to the Agricultural Adjustment Administration, Justice, U.S. Court of Appeals, 1941-57.
40. Gerard Swope -- key player in the creation of the N.R.A. [National Recovery Administration]
Herbert Bayard Swope -- brother of Gerard
42. Lucien Koch -- consumer division, N.R.A. [apparently-Jewish]
43. J. David Stern -- Federal Reserve Board, appointed by FDR
44. Nathan Straus -- housing adviser
45. Charles Michaelson -- Democratic [DNC] publicity man
46. Lawrence Steinhardt -- ambassador to Soviet
47. Harry Guggenheim -- heir to Guggenheim fortune, adviser on aviation
48. Arthur Garfield
Hays -- adviser on civil liberties
49. David Lasser -- head of Worker's Alliance, labor activist
50. Max Zaritsky -- labor adviser
51. James Warburg -- millionaire, early backer of New Deal before backing
52. Louis Kirstein -- associate of E. Filene
53. Charles Wyzanski, Jr. -- counsel, Dept. of
54. Charles Taussig -- early New Deal adviser
55. Jacob Baker -- assistant to W.P.A. head
Harry Hopkins; assistant head of W.P.A. [Works Progress Admin.]
56. Louis H. Bean -- Dept. of Agriculture official
57. Abraham Fox -- research director, Tariff Commission
58. Benedict Wolf -- National Labor Relations
59. William Leiserson -- NLRB
60. David J. Saposs -- NLRB
61. A. H. Meyers
-- NLRB [New England division]
62. L. H. Seltzer -- head economist at the Treasury Dept.
Berman -- Dept. of Labor official
64. Jacob Perlman -- Dept. of Labor official
65. Morris L. Jacobson
-- chief statistician of the Government Research Project
66. Jack Levin -- assistant general manager, Rural Electrification
67. Harold Loeb -- economic consultant, N.R.P.
68. William Seagle -- council, Petroleum
Labor Policy Board
69. Herman A. Gray -- policy committee, National Housing Conference
Sachs -- rep. of Lehman Bros., early New Deal consultant
71. Paul Mazur -- rep. of Lehman Bros., early consultant
for New Deal
72. Henry Alsberg -- head of the Writer's Project under the W.P.A.
73. Lincoln Rothschild
-- New Deal art administrator