historians claim that U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt never wanted war
and made every reasonable effort to prevent war. This article will show that contrary to what
establishment historians claim, Franklin Roosevelt and his administration
wanted war and made every effort to instigate World War II in Europe.
THE SECRET POLISH
seized a mass of documents from the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs
invaded Warsaw in late September 1939. The documents were seized when a
SS brigade led by Freiherr von Kuensberg captured the center of Warsaw ahead
of the regular German army. Von Kuensberg’s men took control of the Polish Foreign Ministry
just as Ministry officials were in the process of burning incriminating documents. These
documents clearly establish Roosevelt’s crucial role in planning and instigating World War II.
They also reveal the forces behind President Roosevelt that pushed for war.
of the secret Polish documents were first published in the United States as
German White Paper. Probably the most-revealing document in the collection is a
report dated January 12, 1939 by Jerzy Potocki, the Polish ambassador to the
States. This report discusses the domestic situation in the United States.
quote (a translation of) Ambassador Potocki’s report in full:
There is a feeling now prevalent in the United States
marked by growing hatred of
Fascism, and above all of Chancellor Hitler and everything connected
with National Socialism.
Propaganda is mostly in the hands of the Jews who control almost 100%
[of the] radio,
film, daily and periodical press. Although this propaganda is extremely coarse
Germany as black as possible--above all religious persecution and concentration
are exploited--this propaganda is nevertheless extremely effective since the public
here is completely ignorant and knows nothing of the situation in Europe.
At the present moment most Americans regard Chancellor Hitler and National Socialism
as the greatest evil and greatest peril threatening the world. The situation here provides
an excellent platform for public speakers of all kinds, for emigrants from Germany and
who with a great many words and with most various calumnies incite the public.
American liberty which they contrast with the totalitarian states.
It is interesting to note that in this extremely well-planned campaign which is conducted
above all against National Socialism, Soviet Russia is almost completely eliminated.
Russia, if mentioned at all, is mentioned in a friendly manner and things are
presented in such
a way that it would seem that the Soviet Union were cooperating with
the bloc of democratic
states. Thanks to the clever propaganda the sympathies
of the American public are completely
on the side of Red Spain.
This propaganda, this war psychosis
is being artificially created. The American people
are told that peace in Europe is hanging
only by a thread and that war is inevitable.
At the same time the American people are unequivocally
told that in case of a world war,
America also must take an active part in order to defend the
slogans of liberty and
democracy in the world. President Roosevelt was the first one to express
Fascism. In doing so he was serving a double purpose; first he wanted to divert
attention of the American people from difficult and intricate domestic problems, especially
from the problem of the struggle between capital and labor. Second, by creating a war
and by spreading rumors concerning dangers threatening Europe, he wanted to
induce the American
people to accept an enormous armament
program which far exceeds United States defense requirements.
Regarding the first point, it must be said that the internal situation on the
is growing worse constantly. The unemployed today already number 12 million.
Federal and state expenditures are increasing daily. Only the huge sums, running
billions, which the treasury expends for emergency labor projects, are keeping a
of peace in the country. Thus far only the usual strikes and local unrest
have taken place.
But how long this government aid can be kept up it is difficult to
predict today. The excitement
and indignation of public opinion, and the serious conflict
between private enterprises and
enormous trusts on the one hand, and with labor
on the other, have made many enemies for Roosevelt
causing him many sleepless nights.
As to point two, I can only say that President Roosevelt, as a clever player of politics
a connoisseur of American mentality, speedily steered public attention away from
situation in order to fasten it on foreign policy. The way to achieve this
was simple. One
needed, on the one hand, to enhance the war menace overhanging
the world on account of Chancellor
Hitler, and, on the other hand, to create a specter
by talking about the attack of the totalitarian
states on the United States. The Munich
pact came to President Roosevelt as a godsend. He described
it as the capitulation
of France and England to bellicose German militarism. As was said here:
Chamberlain at pistol-point. Hence, France and England
had no choice and had to conclude a shameful peace.
prevalent hatred against everything which is in any way connected with German
is further kindled by the brutal attitude against the Jews in
Germany and by the émigré
problem. In this action Jewish intellectuals participated;
for instance, Bernard Baruch; the
Governor of New York State, Lehman; the newly
appointed judge of the Supreme Court, Felix Frankfurter;
Secretary of the Treasury
Morgenthau, and others who are personal friends of Roosevelt. They
want the President
to become the champion of human rights, freedom of religion and speech,
and the man
who in the future will punish trouble-mongers. These groups, people who want to
pose as representatives of “Americanism” and “defenders of democracy”
last analysis, are connected by unbreakable ties with international Jewry.
For this Jewish international, which above all is concerned with the interests
of its race,
to put the President of the United States at this “ideal” post of champion
of human rights,
was a clever move. In this manner they created a dangerous hotbed for hatred
hostility in this hemisphere and divided the world into two hostile camps. The entire issue
is worked out in a mysterious manner. Roosevelt has been forcing the foundation for
American foreign policy, and simultaneously has been procuring enormous
stocks for the coming
war, for which the Jews are striving consciously. With regard to
domestic policy, it is extremely
convenient to divert public attention from anti-Semitism
which is ever growing in the United
States, by talking about the necessity of
defending faith and individual liberty against the
onslaught of Fascism.
January 16, 1939, Potocki reported to the Warsaw Foreign Ministry a conversation
had with American Ambassador to France William Bullitt. Bullitt was in Washington
a leave of absence from Paris. Potocki reported that Bullitt
stated the main
objectives of the Roosevelt administration were:
1. The vitalizing foreign policy, under the leadership of
severely and unambiguously condemns totalitarian countries.
2. The United States preparation for war on sea, land and air which
will be carried
out at an accelerated speed and will consume the colossal sum of $1,250 million.
3. It is the decided opinion of the President that France and Britain
must put [an]
end to any sort of compromise with the totalitarian countries. They must not let
themselves in for any discussions aiming at any kind of territorial changes.
4. They have the moral assurance that the United States will leave the policy of isolation
and be prepared to intervene actively on the side of Britain and France in case of war.
America is ready to place its whole wealth of money and raw materials at their disposal.”
(Jules) Łukasiewicz, the Polish ambassador to France, sent a top-secret report
Paris to the Polish Foreign Ministry at the beginning of February 1939. This
outlined the U.S. policy toward Europe as explained to him by William Bullitt:
A week ago, the Ambassador of the United States, W. Bullitt,
returned to Paris after
having spent three months holiday in America. Meanwhile, I had two
with him which enable me to inform Monsieur Minister on his views regarding
the European situation and to give a survey of Washington’s policy….
The international situation is regarded by official quarters as extremely serious and
being in danger of armed conflict. Competent quarters are of the opinion that if war
break out between Britain and France on the one hand and Germany and Italy
on the other, and
Britain and France should be defeated, the Germans would become
dangerous to the realistic
interests of the United States on the American continent.
For this reason, one can foresee right
from the beginning the participation of the
United States in the war on the side of France
and Britain, naturally after some time
had elapsed after the beginning of the war. Ambassador
Bullitt expressed this as follows:
“Should war break out we shall certainly not take part
in it at the beginning, but we shall end it.”
March 7, 1939, Ambassador Potocki sent another remarkably perceptive report on
Roosevelt’s foreign policy to the Polish government. I quote Potocki’s report in full:
The foreign policy of
the United States right now concerns not only the government,
but the entire American public
as well. The most important elements are the public
statements of President Roosevelt. In almost
every public speech he refers more or
less explicitly to the necessity of activating foreign
policy against the chaos of views
and ideologies in Europe. These statements are picked up by
the press and then
cleverly filtered into the minds of average Americans in such a way as to
their already formed opinions. The same theme is constantly repeated, namely, the
danger of war in Europe and saving the democracies from inundation by enemy fascism.
In all of these public statements there is normally only a single theme,
the danger from Nazism and Nazi Germany to world peace.
a result of these speeches, the public is called upon to support rearmament and the
of enormous sums for the navy and the air force. The unmistakable idea behind
this is that in
case of an armed conflict the United States cannot stay out but must take
an active part in
the maneuvers. As a result of the effective speeches of
President Roosevelt, which are supported
by the press, the American public is today
being conscientiously manipulated to hate everything
that smacks of totalitarianism
and fascism. But it is interesting that the USSR is not included
in all of this. The American
public considers Russia more in the camp of the democratic states.
This was also the
case during the Spanish civil war when the so-called Loyalists
were regarded as defenders of the democratic idea.
State Department operates without attracting a great deal of attention, although
it is known
that Secretary of State [Cordell] Hull and President Roosevelt swear allegiance
to the same
ideas. However, Hull shows more reserve than Roosevelt, and he loves to
make a distinction
between Nazism and Chancellor Hitler on the one hand, and the
German people on the other. He
considers this form of dictatorial government a
temporary “necessary evil.” In contrast,
the State Department is unbelievably interested
in the USSR and its internal situation and
openly worries itself over its weaknesses
and decline. The main reason for the United States
interest in the Russians is the
situation in the Far East. The current government would be glad
to see the Red Army
emerge as the victor in a conflict with Japan. That’s why the sympathies
of the government
are clearly on the side of China, which recently received
considerable financial aid amounting to 25 million dollars.
Eager attention is given to all information from the diplomatic posts as well as to the
emissaries of the President who serve as ambassadors of the United States.
The President frequently
calls his representatives from abroad to Washington for
personal exchanges of views and to
give them special information and instructions.
The arrival of the envoys and ambassadors is
always shrouded in secrecy and very
little surfaces in the press about the results of their
visits. The State Department
also takes care to avoid giving out any kind of information about
the course of these
interviews. The practical way in which the President makes foreign policy
is most effective.
He gives personal instructions to his representatives abroad, most of whom
personal friends. In this way the United States is led down a dangerous path in world
politics with the explicit intention of abandoning the comfortable policy of isolation.
The President regards the foreign policy of his country as a means of satisfying his
personal ambition. He listens carefully and happily to his echo in the other capitals
world. In domestic as well as foreign policy, the Congress of the United States is
object that stands in the way of the President and his government in carrying
out his decisions
quickly and ambitiously. One hundred and fifty years ago, the
Constitution of the United States
gave the highest prerogatives to the
American parliament which may criticize or reject the law
of the White House.
The foreign policy of President
Roosevelt has recently been the subject of intense
discussion in the lower house and in the
Senate, and this has caused excitement.
The so-called Isolationists, of whom there are many
in both houses, have come out
strongly against the President. The representatives and the senators
upset over the remarks of the President, which were published in the press,
in which he
said that the borders of the United States lie on the Rhine. But President Roosevelt
is a superb political player and understands completely the power of the American
parliament. He has his own people there, and he knows how to
withdraw from an uncomfortable
situation at the right moment.
Very intelligently and cleverly
he ties together the question of foreign policy with the
issues of American rearmament. He particularly
stresses the necessity of spending
enormous sums in order to maintain a defensive peace. He
says specifically that
the United States is not arming in order to intervene or to go to the
aid of England
or France in case of war, but because of the need to show strength and military
preparedness in case of an armed conflict in Europe. In his view this
conflict is becoming ever more acute and is completely unavoidable.
Since the issue is presented this way, the houses of Congress have no cause to object.
To the contrary, the houses accepted an armament program of more than 1 billion dollars.
normal budget is 550 million, the emergency 552 million dollars). However, under the
a rearmament policy, President Roosevelt continues to push forward his foreign
unofficially shows the world that in case of war the United States will
come out on the side
of the democratic states with all military and financial power.
conclusion it can be said that the technical and moral preparation of the American
participation in a war--if one should break out in Europe--is proceeding rapidly.
that the United States will come to the aid of France and Great Britain with
all its resources
right from the beginning. However, I know the American public and the
representatives and senators
who all have the final word, and I am of the opinion that
the possibility that America will
enter the war as in 1917 is not great. That’s because
the majority of the states in the
mid-West and West, where the rural element predominates,
want to avoid involvement in European
disputes at all costs. They remember the declaration
of the Versailles Treaty and the well-known
phrase that the war was to save the world
for democracy. Neither the Versailles Treaty nor
that slogan have reconciled the
United States to that war. For millions there remains only a
because of unpaid billions which the European states still owe America.
secret Polish reports were written by top-level Polish ambassadors who were not
friendly to Germany. However, they understood the realities of European
far better than people who made foreign policy in the United States. The Polish
realized that behind all of their rhetoric about democracy and human
the Jewish leaders in the United States who agitated for
war against Germany
were deceptively advancing their own interests.
There is no question that the secret documents taken from the Polish Foreign Ministry
Warsaw are authentic. Charles C. Tansill considered the documents genuine
“Some months ago I had a long conversation with M. Lipsky,
the Polish ambassador in
Berlin in the prewar years, and he assured me that the
documents in the German White Paper are authentic.”
H. Chamberlain wrote, “I have been privately informed by an extremely reliable
source that Potocki, now residing in South America, confirmed the accuracy of the
documents, so far as he was concerned.” Historian Harry Elmer Barnes also stated,
“Both Professor Tansill and
myself have independently
established the thorough authenticity of these documents.”
Raczyński, the Polish ambassador to London from 1934 to 1945, confirmed in his
diary the authenticity of the Polish documents. He wrote in his entry on June 20, 1940:
“The Germans published in April a White Book containing documents from the archives
of our Ministry of Foreign Affairs, consisting of reports from Potocki from Washington,
Łukasiewicz in Paris and myself. I do not know where they found them, since we were
told that the archives had been destroyed. The documents are certainly genuine, and
the facsimiles show that for the most part the Germans
got hold of the
originals and not merely copies.”
official papers and memoirs of Juliusz Łukasiewicz published in 1970 in the book
Diplomat in Paris 1936-1939 reconfirmed the authenticity of the Polish documents.
Łukasiewicz was the Polish ambassador to Paris, who authored several of the secret
Polish documents. The collection was edited by Wacław Jędrzejewicz, a former Polish
diplomat and cabinet member. Jędrzejewicz considered the documents made
public by the Germans absolutely genuine, and quoted from several of them.
Tyler G. Kent, who worked at the U.S. Embassy in London in 1939 and 1940,
confirmed the authenticity of the secret Polish documents. Kent says
that he saw
copies of U.S. diplomatic messages in the files
which corresponded to the Polish documents. 
German Foreign Office published the Polish documents on March 29, 1940.
Ministry of Propaganda released the documents to strengthen the case of the
isolationists and to prove the degree of America’s responsibility for the outbreak
of war. In Berlin, journalists from around the world were permitted to examine the original
documents themselves, along with a large number of other documents from the Polish
Foreign Ministry. The release of the documents caused an international media sensation.
American newspapers published lengthy excerpts from the documents
gave the story large front-page headline coverage.
the impact of the released documents was far less than the German
had hoped for. Leading U.S. government officials emphatically denounced
as not being authentic. William Bullitt, who was especially incriminated
by the documents, stated, “I have never made to anyone the statements attributed to me.”
Secretary of State Cordell Hull denounced the documents: “I may say most emphatically
that neither I nor any of my associates in the Department of State have ever heard of any
such conversations as those alleged, nor do we give them the slightest credence. The
statements alleged have not represented in any way at any time the thought or the policy
of the American government.” American newspapers stressed these
high-level denials in reporting the release
of the Polish documents.
These categorical denials by high-level U.S. government officials almost completely eliminated
the effect of the secret Polish documents. The vast majority of the American people in 1940
trusted their elected political leaders to tell the truth. If the Polish documents were in fact
authentic and genuine, this would mean that President Roosevelt and his representatives
had lied to the American public, while the German government told the truth.
In 1940, this was far more than the trusting American public could accept.
MORE EVIDENCE ROOSEVELT INSTIGATED WORLD
While the secret
Polish documents alone indicate that Roosevelt was preparing the American
for war against Germany, a large amount of complementary evidence confirms the
reported by the Polish ambassadors. The diary of James V. Forrestal, the first
secretary of defense, also reveals that Roosevelt and his administration
start World War II. Forrestal’s entry on December 27, 1945 stated:
Played golf today with Joe Kennedy [Roosevelt’s
Ambassador to Great Britain in the
years immediately before the war]. I asked him about his
conversations with Roosevelt
and Neville Chamberlain from 1938 on. He said Chamberlain’s
position in 1938 was that
England had nothing with which to fight and that she could not risk
going to war with Hitler.
Kennedy’s view: That Hitler would have fought Russia without
any later conflict with
England if it had not been for Bullitt’s urging on Roosevelt
in the summer of 1939 that
the Germans must be faced down about Poland; neither the French nor
the British would
have made Poland a cause of war if it had not been for the constant needling
Washington. Bullitt, he said, kept telling Roosevelt that the Germans wouldn’t fight;
Kennedy that they would, and that they would overrun Europe. Chamberlain, he says,
stated that America and the world Jews had forced England into the war. In his telephone
with Roosevelt in the summer of 1939 the President kept telling him to put
some iron up Chamberlain’s
backside. Kennedy’s response always was that putting iron
up his backside did no good
unless the Britishhad some iron
with which to fight, and they did not….
What Kennedy told me in this conversation jibes substantially with the remarks
Dillon had made to me already, to the general effect that Roosevelt had asked him in
some manner to communicate privately with the British to the end that Chamberlain
should have greater firmness in his dealings with Germany. Dillon told me that at Roosevelt’s
request he had talked with Lord Lothian in the same general sense as Kennedy
Roosevelt having urged him to do with Chamberlain. Lothian presumably
was to communicate to
Chamberlain the gist of his conversation with Dillon.
backward there is undoubtedly foundation for Kennedy’s belief
that Hitler’s attack
could have been deflected to Russia….”
Kennedy is known to have had a good memory, and it is highly likely that Kennedy’s
statements to James Forrestal are accurate. Forrestal died on May 22, 1949
under suspicious circumstances when he fell from his hospital window.
Sir Ronald Lindsay, the British ambassador to Washington, confirmed Roosevelt’s
policy to instigate war against Germany with the release of a confidential
after the war. The report described a secret meeting on September
18, 1938 between
Roosevelt and Ambassador Lindsay. Roosevelt said that if Britain
and France were forced
into a war against Germany, the United States would ultimately
join the war. Roosevelt’s
idea to start a war was for Britain and France
to impose a blockade against Germany without
actually declaring war. The important
point was to call it a defensive war based on lofty
humanitarian grounds and
on the desire to wage hostilities with a minimum of suffering
and the least possible
loss of life and property. The blockade would provoke some kind of
response, but would free Britain and France from having to declare war.
believed he could then convince the American public to support war against Germany,
including shipments of weapons to Britain and France, by insisting
that the United
States was still neutral in a non-declared conflict.
Roosevelt told Ambassador Lindsay that if news of their conversation was ever
made public, it could mean Roosevelt’s impeachment. What Roosevelt proposed to Lindsay
was in effect a scheme to violate the U.S. Constitution by illegally starting a war. For this
and other reasons, Ambassador Lindsay stated that during his three years of
service in Washington he developed little regard for America’s leaders.
Lindsay in a series of final reports also indicated that Roosevelt was delighted
at the prospect of a new world war. Roosevelt promised Lindsay that he would delay
ships under false pretenses in a feigned search for arms. This would allow the
German ships to be easily seized by the British under circumstances arranged with exactitude
between the American and British authorities. Lindsay reported that Roosevelt “spoke in a
tone of almost impish glee and though I may be wrong the whole
gave me the impression of resembling a school-boy prank.”
Ambassador Lindsay was personally perturbed that the president of the
United States could
be gay and joyful about a pending tragedy which seemed so
destructive of the hopes of
all mankind. It was unfortunate at this important
juncture that the United States had a president
whose emotions and ideas were
regarded by a friendly British ambassador as being childish.
desire to support France and England in a war against Germany is discussed
a letter from Verne Marshall, former editor of the
Cedar Rapids Gazette,
to Charles C. Tansill. The letter stated:
President Roosevelt wrote a note to William Bullitt [in the summer of 1939],
Ambassador to France, directing him to advise the French Government that if, in the
event of a Nazi attack upon Poland, France and England did not go to Poland’s aid,
countries could expect no help from America if a general war developed. On the
other hand, if
France and England immediately declared war on
Germany, they could expect “all aid”
from the United States.
F.D.R.’s instructions to Bullitt
were to send this word along to “Joe” and “Tony,”
Kennedy, in London, and Biddle, in Warsaw, respectively.
F.D.R. wanted Daladier, Chamberlain
and Josef Beck to know of these instructions to Bullitt.
Bullitt merely sent his note from
F.D.R. to Kennedy in the diplomatic pouch from Paris.
Kennedy followed Bullitt’s idea
and forwarded it to Biddle. When the Nazis grabbed
Warsaw and Beck disappeared, they must have
come into possession of the F.D.R.
note. The man who wrote the report I sent you saw it in
Berlin in October, 1939.
Phillips, the American ambassador to Italy, also stated in his postwar memoirs that
the Roosevelt administration in late 1938 was committed to going to war on the side of
Britain and France. Phillips wrote: “On this and many other occasions, I would have liked
to have told him [Count Ciano, the Italian Foreign Minister] frankly that in the event of a
European war, the United States would undoubtedly be involved on the side of the Allies.
But in view of my official position, I could not properly make such a statement
without instructions from Washington, and these I never received.”
Anthony Eden returned to England in December 1938, he carried with him an
from President Roosevelt that the United States would enter as soon as
a European war against Hitler if the occasion arose. This information was
by Senator William Borah of Idaho, who was contemplating how and when to
out this information, when he dropped dead in his bathroom. The story was confirmed
to historian Harry Elmer Barnes by some of Senator Borah’s closest colleagues at the time.
American ambassador to Poland, Anthony Drexel Biddle, was an ideological colleague
of President Roosevelt and a good friend of William Bullitt. Roosevelt used Biddle to
influence the Polish government to refuse to enter into negotiations with Germany.
J. Burckhardt, the League of Nations High Commissioner to Danzig, reported in his
postwar memoirs on a memorable conversation he had with Biddle. On December 2, 1938,
Biddle told Burckhardt with remarkable satisfaction that the Poles were ready to wage war
over Danzig. Biddle predicted that in April a new crisis would develop, and that moderate
British and French leaders would be influenced by public opinion to support war.
Biddle predicted a holy war against Germany would break out.
Baruch, who was Roosevelt’s chief advisor, scoffed at a statement made on
10, 1939 by Neville Chamberlain that “the outlook in international affairs is tranquil.”
Baruch agreed passionately with Winston Churchill, who had told him:
is coming very soon. We will be in it and you [the United States] will be in it.”
Georges Bonnet, the French foreign minister in 1939, also confirmed the role of William Bullitt
as Roosevelt’s agent in pushing France into war. In a letter to Hamilton Fish dated
March 26, 1971, Bonnet wrote, “One thing is certain is that Bullitt
1939 did everything he could to make France enter the war.”
Edvard Beneš, the former president of Czechoslovakia, wrote in his memoirs that he
had a lengthy secret conversation at Hyde Park with President Roosevelt on May 28, 1939.
Roosevelt assured Beneš that the United States would actively intervene on the side
of Great Britain and France against Germany in the anticipated European war.
newspaper columnist Karl von Wiegand, who was the chief European newspaper
of the International News Service, met with Ambassador William Bullitt at the U.S.
in Paris on April 25, 1939. More than four months before the outbreak of war,
Bullitt told Wiegand: “War in Europe has been decided upon. Poland has the assurance
of the support of Britain and France, and will yield to no demands from Germany. America
will be in the war soon after Britain and France enter it.” When Wiegand said that
in the end Germany would be driven into the arms of
Soviet Russia and Bolshevism,
Ambassador Bullitt replied: “What of it.
There will not be enough Germans left when
the war is over to be worth Bolshevizing.”
On March 14, 1939, Slovakia dissolved the state of Czechoslovakia by declaring itself an
independent republic. Czechoslovakian President Emil Hácha signed a formal agreement
the next day with Hitler establishing a German protectorate over Bohemia and Moravia,
which constituted the Czech portion of the previous entity. The British government initially
accepted the new situation, reasoning that Britain’s guarantee of Czechoslovakia
Munich was rendered void by the internal collapse of that state.
It soon became evident after
the proclamation of the Protectorate of Bohemia-Moravia
that the new regime enjoyed
considerable popularity among the people living in
it. Also, the danger of
a war between the Czechs and the Slovaks had been averted.
Bullitt’s response to the creation of the German protectorate over Bohemia and
was highly unfavorable. Bullitt telephoned Roosevelt and, in an “almost hysterical” voice,
Bullitt urged Roosevelt to make a dramatic denunciation of Germany
to immediately ask Congress to repeal the Neutrality Act.
journalists Drew Pearson and Robert S. Allen reported in their nationally
column that on March 16, 1939, President Roosevelt “sent a virtual ultimatum
to Chamberlain” demanding that the British government strongly oppose Germany.
and Allen reported that “the President warned that Britain could expect
more support, moral or material through the sale
of airplanes, if the Munich
to Roosevelt’s pressure, the next day Chamberlain ended Britain’s policy of
cooperation with Germany when he made a speech at Birmingham bitterly denouncing Hitler.
Chamberlain also announced the end of the British “appeasement” policy, stating that from
now on Britain would oppose any further territorial moves by Hitler. Two weeks later the
British government formally committed itself to war in case of German-Polish hostilities.
Roosevelt also attempted
to arm Poland so that Poland would be more willing to go to war
Ambassador Bullitt reported from Paris in a confidential telegram to
on April 9, 1939, his conversation with Polish Ambassador Łukasiewicz.
told Łukasiewicz that although U.S. law prohibited direct financial aid to Poland,
the Roosevelt administration might be able to supply warplanes to Poland indirectly through
Britain. Bullitt stated: “The Polish ambassador asked me if it might not be possible for
Poland to obtain financial help and airplanes from the United States. I replied that I believed
the Johnson Act would forbid any loans from the United States to Poland, but added that it
might be possible for England to purchase planes for cash
in the United
States and turn them over to Poland.”
also attempted to bypass the Neutrality Act and supply France with airplanes.
secret conference of Ambassador Bullitt with French Premier Daladier and the French
of aviation, Guy La Chambre, discussed the procurement of airplanes from
for France. Bullitt, who was in frequent telephonic conversation with Roosevelt,
a means by which the Neutrality Act could be circumvented in the event of war.
Bullitt’s suggestion was to set up assembly plants in Canada, apparently on the assumption
that Canada would not be a formal belligerent in the war. Bullitt also arranged for a secret
French mission to come to the United States and purchase airplanes in the winter of 1938-1939.
The secret purchase of American airplanes by the French leaked
a French aviator crashed on the West Coast.
23, 1939, Sir Horace Wilson, Chamberlain’s closest advisor, went to American
Ambassador Joseph Kennedy with an urgent appeal from Chamberlain to President Roosevelt.
Regretting that Britain had unequivocally obligated itself to Poland in case of war,
Chamberlain now turned to Roosevelt as a last hope for peace. Kennedy telephoned the
State Department and stated: “The British want one thing from us and one thing only,
namely that we put pressure on the Poles. They felt that they could not,
their obligations, do anything of this sort but that we could.”
Presented with a possibility to save the peace in Europe, President Roosevelt
Chamberlain’s desperate plea out of hand. With Roosevelt’s
rejection, Kennedy reported,
British Prime Minister Chamberlain lost all hope.
Chamberlain stated: “The futility of it all
is the thing that is frightful.
After all, we cannot save the Poles. We can merely
carry on a war of revenge
that will mean the destruction of all Europe.”
President Franklin Roosevelt and his advisers played a crucial role in planning
and instigating World War II. This is proven by the secret Polish documents as well
as numerous statements from highly positioned, well-known and authoritative
Allied leaders who corroborate the contents of the Polish documents.
 Count Jerzy Potocki to Polish Foreign Minister in Warsaw, The German White Paper: Full Text of the Polish Documents Issued
by the Berlin Foreign Office; with a foreword by C. Hartley Grattan, New York: Howell, Soskin & Company, 1940, pp.
 Juliusz Lukasiewicz to Polish Foreign Minister in Warsaw, The German White Paper: Full Text of the Polish Documents Issued
by the Berlin Foreign Office; with a foreword by C. Hartley Grattan, New York: Howell, Soskin & Company, 1940, pp.
 Germany. Foreign Office Archive Commission. Roosevelts Weg in den Krieg: Geheimdokumente zur Kriegspolitik des Praesidenten
der Vereinigten Staaten. Berlin: Deutscher Verlag, 1943. Translated into English by Weber, Mark, “President Roosevelt’s
Campaign to Incite War in Europe: The Secret Polish Documents,” The Journal of Historical Review, Summer 1983,
Vol. 4, No. 2, pp. 150-152.
 Tansill, Charles C., “The United States and the Road to War in Europe,” in Barnes, Harry Elmer (ed.), Perpetual
War for Perpetual Peace, Newport Beach, Cal.: Institute for Historical Review, 1993, p. 184 (footnote 292).
 Chamberlain, William Henry, America’s Second Crusade, Chicago: Regnery, 1950, p. 60 (footnote 14).
 Barnes, Harry Elmer, The Court Historians versus Revisionism, N.p.: privately printed, 1952, p. 10.
 Raczynski, Edward, In Allied London, London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1963, p. 51.
 Weber, Mark, “President Roosevelt’s Campaign to Incite War in Europe: The Secret Polish Documents,” The
Journal of Historical Review, Summer 1983, Vol. 4, No. 2, p. 142.
 New York Times, March 30, 1940, p. 1.
 Forrestal, James V., The Forrestal Diaries, edited by Walter Millis and E.S. Duffield, New York: Vanguard Press,
1951, pp. 121-122.
 Dispatch No. 349 of Sept. 30, 1938, by Sir Ronald Lindsay, Documents on British Foreign Policy, (ed.). Ernest L.
Woodard, Third Series, Vol. VII, London, 1954, pp. 627-629. See also Lash, Joseph P., Roosevelt and Churchill 1939-1941,
New York: Norton, 1976, pp. 25-27.
 Dallek, Robert, Franklin D. Roosevelt and American Foreign Policy 1932-1945, New York: Oxford University Press,
1979, pp. 31, 164-165.
 Hoggan, David L., The Forced War: When Peaceful Revision Failed, Costa Mesa, Cal.: Institute for Historical Review,
1989, pp. 518-519.
 Tansill, Charles C., “The United States and the Road to War in Europe,” in Barnes, Harry Elmer (ed.), Perpetual
War for Perpetual Peace, Newport Beach, Cal.: Institute for Historical Review, 1993, p. 168.
 Phillips, William, Ventures in Diplomacy, North Beverly, Mass.: privately published, 1952, pp. 220-221.
 Barnes, Harry Elmer, Barnes against the Blackout, Costa Mesa, Cal.: Institute for Historical Review, 1991, p. 208.
 Burckhardt, Carl, Meine Danziger Mission 1937-1939, Munich: Callwey, 1960, p. 225.
 Sherwood, Robert E., Roosevelt and Hopkins, an Intimate History, New York: Harper & Brothers, 1948, p. 113.
 Fish, Hamilton, FDR The Other Side of the Coin: How We Were Tricked into World War II, New York: Vantage Press,
1976, p. 62.
 Beneš, Edvard, Memoirs of Dr. Edvard Beneš, London: George Allen & Unwin, 1954, pp. 79-80.
 “Von Wiegand Says-,” Chicago-Herald American, Oct. 8, 1944, p. 2.
 Chicago-Herald American, April 23, 1944, p. 18.
 Hoggan, David L., The Forced War: When Peaceful Revision Failed, Costa Mesa, Cal.: Institute for Historical Review,
1989, p. 250.
 Moffat, Jay P., The Moffat Papers 1919-1943, Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1956, p. 232.
 Pearson, Drew and Allen, Robert S., “Washington Daily Merry-Go-Round,” Washington Times-Herald, April
14, 1939, p. 16.
 U.S. Department of State, Foreign Relations of the United States (Diplomatic Papers), 1939, General, Vol. I, Washington:
1956, p. 122.
 Chamberlain, William Henry, America’s Second Crusade, Chicago: Regnery, 1950, pp. 101-102.
 Koskoff, David E., Joseph P. Kennedy: A Life and Times, Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1974, p. 207; see
also Taylor, A.J.P., The Origins of the Second World War, New York: Simon & Schuster, 2005, p. 272.