Click on this text to watch a truthful BBC documentary titled: SACRIFICE AT PEARL HARBOR

 
 
 
 
PEARL HARBOR WAS A CONTRIVED SET-UP
 
The Japanese secret communications code had
been broken BEFORE the events at Pearl Harbor.
 
Having already broken the Japanese secret communications code, American military intelligence
knew when and from where the Japanese fleet had embarked and exactly where it was headed.
 

A U.S. battleship sinks during the Pearl Harbor attack.
 
The Japanese were repeatedly insulted into
attacking the U.S. Pacific Fleet at Pearl Harbor,
Hawaii and the U.S. top commanders allowed it to happen.
 
The first shocking insult to Japan was the
uninvited arrival of Commodore Perry in Tokyo
Bay on March 31st, 1854.

Japan had been a closed, feudal, and primitively
armed society prior to the arrival of four black
painted, black smoke bellowing American
battleships armed with gigantic guns.
 
The Japanese were frightened and quickly deduced that they
better co-operate with these battleship borne
Americans who wanted access to Japanese ports
and goods or else.

It was quite the wake-up call for Japan. I read
about Commodore Perry’s “Gunboat Diplomacy”
in grade school, but didn’t realize the significance
of it as a boy.

Jump to 1898, when the Japanese watched their
neighbors in the Philippines being subjugated by
Americans. The Japanese knew all about the
Balangiga massacre campaign in 1901 from their
neighbors and began preparing in earnest to repel
the murderous Americans who, for all they knew,
had designs on invading Japan soon.

Americans and Europeans were swallowing up all
of the Pacific Islands and were doing peculiar
things in China such as causing an opium epidemic
(the Boxer Rebellion didn’t occur without cause).

The Hawaiians were all but killed off by European
peoples’ diseases while the Americans established
a naval base there. Hong Kong had become a
British naval base. The Japanese thought that the
white devils must be stopped!

By 1904, the Japanese were well armed and had
built a modern navy. They even defeated Russia in
a war that lasted from February 8, 1904 until
September 5, 1905. The Russians had been
encroaching on Japanese territory in hopes of
obtaining a Pacific warm water port.

By the late 1930’s, Japan, having almost no raw
materials itself, was aggressively obtaining raw
materials and oil from Manchuria by means of
military invasion. The U.S. was blatantly arming
and actually fighting on the Chinese side of that
conflict. Do you recall General Chennault and his
Flying Tigers mercenary air force?

On July 2, 1940, President Roosevelt signed The
Export Act that essentially became an embargo on
fuel, oil, iron, steel and such materials essential to
Japan’s growing military industrial complex. Japan
was feeling strangled, not to mention thoroughly insulted.
 
 
Then there is...
 

The McCollum Memo:

The Smoking Gun of Pearl Harbor

 

The McCollum memo, also known as the

Eight Action Memo was a memorandum,

dated October 7, 1940 (more than a year

before the Pearl Harbor attack), sent by

Lieutenant Commander Arthur H. McCollum,

who "provided the president with intelligence

reports on [Japan]... [and oversaw] every

intercepted and decoded Japanese military and

diplomatic report destined for the White House"

in his capacity as director of the

Office of Naval Intelligence's Far East Asia section.

It was sent to Navy Captains Dudley Knox,

who agreed with the actions described within

the memo, and Walter Stratton Anderson.

 

The memo outlined the general situation of several
nations in World War II and recommended
an eight-part course of action for the United States
to take in regard to the Japanese Empire
in the South Pacific, suggesting the
United States provoke Japan into committing an
"overt act of war". The memo illustrates
several people in the Office of Naval Intelligence
promoted the idea of goading Japan into
war: "It is not believed that in the present state
of political opinion the United States government
is capable of declaring war against Japan
without more ado... If by
[the elucidated eight-point plan] Japan
could be led to commit an overt
act of war, so much the better." 
 
 
 

On October 7, 1940, Lieutenant Commander

Arthur McCollum of the Office of Naval Intelligence

submitted a memo to Navy Captains Walter

Anderson and Dudley Knox (whose endorsement

is included in the following scans). Captains

Anderson and Knox were two of President Roosevelt's

most trusted military advisors.

 

The memo, scanned below, detailed an 8 step plan

to provoke Japan into attacking the United States.

President Roosevelt, over the course of 1941,

implemented all 8 of the recommendations contained

in the McCollum memo. Following the eighth

provocation, Japan attacked. The public was told that

it was a complete surprise, an "intelligence failure",

and America entered World War Two.

 

 

This memo, which proves that the government of the United States desired to lure Japan

into an attack, was declassified in 1994. It took fifty years for the truth about Pearl Harbor

to be revealed. Will we have to wait that long for the truth of 9-11 to come out?

 

More about the Pearl Harbor Deception is at

Pearl Harbor: Mother of all conspiracies (at least until 9/11)

 

THE BONES OF STATION H

The remains of the radio intercept station

on Oahu that picked up Admiral Yamamoto's order for the attack.

YOUTUBE - THE BONES OF STATION H

Video of the remains of the radiointercept station on Oahu that

picked up Admiral Yamamoto's order for the attack.

 

 

 

The memo

0p-16-F-2 ON1 7 October 1940
Memorandum for the Director

Subject: Estimate of the Situation in the Pacific and
Recommendations for Action by the United States.

1. The United States
today finds herself confronted
by a hostile Germany and Italy in Europe and by an equally
hostile Japan in the Orient. Russia, the great land link between
these two groups of hostile powers, is at present neutral, but
in all probability favorably inclined towards the Axis powers,
and her favorable attitude towards these powers may be expected
to increase in direct proportion to increasing success in their
prosecution of the war in Europe. Germany and Italy have been
successful in war on the continent of Europe and all of Europe
is either under their military control or has been forced into
subservience. Only the British Empire is actively opposing by
war the growing world dominance of Germany and Italy and their
satellites.

2. The United States at first remained coolly aloof
from the conflict in Europe and there is considerable evidence
to support the view that Germany and Italy attempted by every
method within their power to foster a continuation of American
indifference to the outcome of the struggle in Europe. Paradoxically,
every success of German and Italian arms has led to further
increases in United States sympathy for and material support of
the British Empire, until at the present time the United States
government stands committed to a policy of rendering every
support short of war the changes rapidly increasing that
the United States will become a full fledged ally of the British
Empire in the very near future. The final failure of German
and Italian diplomacy to keep the United States in the role of
a disinterested spectator has forced them to adopt the policy of
developing threats to U.S. security in other spheres of the world,
notably by the threat of revolutions in South and Central America
by Axis-dominated groups and by the stimulation of Japan to further
aggressions and threats in the Far East in the hope that by these
mean the Unites States would become so confused in thought
and fearful of her own immediate security as to cause her to
become so preoccupied in purely defensive preparations as to
virtually preclude U.S. aid to Great Britain in any form. As a
result of this policy, Germany and Italy have lately concluded
a military alliance with Japan directed against the United States
If the published terms of this treaty and the pointed
utterances of German, Italian and Japanese leaders can be believed,
and there seems no ground on which to doubt either, the three
totalitarian powers agree to make war on the United States,
should she come to the assistance of England, or should she
attempt to forcibly interfere with Japan's aims in the Orient and,
furthermore, Germany and Italy expressly reserve the right to
determine whether American aid to Britain, short of war, is a
cause for war or not after they have succeeded in defeating
England. In other words, after England has been disposed of
her enemies will decide whether or not to immediately proceed
with an attack on the United States. Due to geographic conditions,
neither Germany nor Italy are in a position to offer any
material aid to Japan. Japan, on the contrary, can be of much
help to both Germany and Italy by threatening and possibly even
attacking British dominions and supply routes from Australia,
India and the Dutch East Indies, thus materially weakening
Britain's position in opposition to the Axis powers in Europe.
In exchange for this service, Japan receives a free hand to seize
all of Asia that she can find it possible to grab, with the
added promise that Germany and Italy will do all in their power
to keep U.S. attention so attracted as to prevent the United
States from taking positive aggressive action against Japan.
Here again we have another example of the Axis-Japanese
diplomacy which is aimed at keeping American power immobilized,
and by threats and alarms to so confuse American thought as to
preclude prompt decisive action by the United States in either
sphere of action. It cannot be emphasized to strongly that
the last thing desired by either the Axis powers in Europe
or by Japan in the Far East is prompt, warlike action by the
United States in either theatre of operations.

3. An examination of the situation in Europe leads
to the conclusion that there is little that we can do now,
immediately to help Britain that is not already being done.
We have no trained army to send to the assistance of England,
nor will we have for at least a year. We are now trying to
increase the flow of materials to England and to bolster the
defense of England in every practicable way and this aid will
undoubtedly be increased. On the other hand, there is little
that Germany or Italy can do against us as long as England
continues in the war and her navy maintains control of the
Atlantic. The one danger to our position lies in the possible
early defeat of the British Empire with the British Fleet falling
intact into the hands of the Axis powers. The possibility of
such an event occurring would be materially lessened were we
actually allied in war with the British or at the very least
were taking active measures to relieve the pressure on Britain
in other spheres of action. To sum up: the threat to our security
in the Atlantic remains small so long as the British Fleet
remains dominant in that ocean and friendly to the United States.

4. In the Pacific, Japan by virtue of her alliance
with Germany and Italy is a definite threat to the security
of the British Empire and once the British Empire is gone the
power of Japan-Germany and Italy is to be directed against the
United States. A powerful land attack by Germany and Italy
through the Balkans and North Africa against the Suez Canal
with a Japanese threat or attack on Singapore would have very
serious results for the British Empire. Could Japan be diverted
or neutralized, the fruits of a successful attack on the Suez
Canal could not be as far reaching and beneficial to the Axis
powers as if such a success was also accompanied by the virtual
elimination of British sea power from the Indian Ocean, thus
opening up a European supply route for Japan and a sea route for
Eastern raw materials to reach Germany and Italy, Japan must be
diverted if the British and American ( ) blockade of Europe
and possibly Japan (?) is to remain even partially in effect.

5. While as pointed out in Paragraph (3) there is
little that the United States can do to immediately retrieve
the situation in Europe, the United States is able to effectively
nullify Japanese aggressive action, and do it without lessening
U.S. material assistance to Great Britain.

6. An examination of Japan's present position as
opposed to the United States reveals a situation as follows:

Advantages Disadvantages

1. Geographically strong position 1. A million and a half men
of Japanese Islands. engaged in an exhausting war
on the Asiatic Continent.

2. A highly centralized strong 2. Domestic economy and food
capable government. supply severely straightened.

3. Rigid control of economy on 3. A serious lack of sources of
a war basis. raw materials for war. Notably
oil, iron and cotton.

4. A people inured to hardship 4. Totally cut off from supplies
and war. from Europe.

5. A powerful army. 5. Dependent upon distant overseas
routes for essential supplies.

6. A skillful navy about 2/3 6. Incapable of increasing
the strength of the U.S. Navy. manufacture and supply of war
materials without free access
to U.S. or European markets.

7. Some stocks of raw materials. 7. Major cities and industrial
centers extremely vulnerable
to air attack.

8. Weather until April rendering
direct sea operations in the
vicinity of Japan difficult.

7. In the Pacific the United States possesses a very strong
defensive position and a navy and naval air force at present
in that ocean capable of long distance offensive operation. There
are certain other factors which at the present time are strongly
in our favor, viz:

A. Philippine Islands still held by the United States.

B. Friendly and possibly allied government in control
of the Dutch East Indies.

C. British still hold Hong Kong and Singapore and
are favorable to us.

D. Important Chinese armies are still in the field
in China against Japan.

E. A small U.S. Naval Force capable of seriously
threatening Japan's southern supply routes
already in the theatre of operations.

F. A considerable Dutch naval force is in the
Orient that would be of value if allied to U.S.

8. A consideration of the foregoing leads to the
conclusion that prompt aggressive naval action against Japan by
the United States would render Japan incapable of affording any
help to Germany and Italy in their attack on England and that
Japan itself would be faced with a situation in which her navy
could be forced to fight on most unfavorable terms or accept
fairly early collapse of the country through the force of blockade.
A prompt and early declaration of war after entering into suitable
arrangements with England and Holland, would be most effective
in bringing about the early collapse of Japan and thus eliminating
our enemy in the pacific before Germany and Italy could strike
at us effectively. Furthermore, elimination of Japan must surely
strengthen Britain's position against Germany and Italy and, in
addition, such action would increase the confidence and support
of all nations who tend to be friendly towards us.

9. It is not believed that in the present state of
political opinion the United States government is capable of
declaring war against Japan without more ado; and it is barely
possible that vigorous action on our part might lead the
Japanese to modify their attitude. Therefore, the following
course of action is suggested:

A. Make an arrangement with Britain for the use of
British bases in the Pacific, particularly
Singapore.

B. Make an arrangement with Holland for the use of
base facilities and acquisition of supplies
in the Dutch East Indies.

C. Give all possible aid to the Chinese government
of Chiang-Kai-Shek.

D. Send a division of long range heavy cruisers to
the Orient, Philippines, or Singapore.

E. Send two divisions of submarines to the Orient.

F. Keep the main strength of the U.S. fleet now in
the Pacific in the vicinity of the Hawaiian Islands.

G. Insist that the Dutch refuse to grant Japanese
demands for undue economic concessions,
particularly oil.

H. Completely embargo all U.S. trade with Japan,
in collaboration with a similar embargo imposed
by the British Empire.

10. If by these means Japan could be led to commit an
overt act of war, so much the better. At all events we must be fully
prepared to accept the threat of war.

A. H. McCollum
CC-0p-16
0p-16-F
File

0p-16-F-2 ON1 7 October 1940
 

Summary

1. The United States is faced by a hostile combination of
powers in both the Atlantic and Pacific.

2. British naval control of the Atlantic prevents hostile
action against the United States in this area.

3. Japan's growing hostility presents an attempt to open sea
communications between Japan and the Mediterranean by an
attack on the British lines of communication in the
Indian Ocean.

4. Japan must be diverted if British opposition in Europe is
to remain effective.

5. The United States naval forces now in the Pacific are
capable of so containing and harassing Japan as to nullify
her assistance to Germany and Italy.

6. It is to the interest of the United States to eliminate
Japan's threat in the Pacific at the earliest opportunity
by taking prompt and aggressive action against Japan.

7. In the absence of United States ability to take the
political offensive, additional naval force should be
sent to the orient and agreements entered into with Holland
and England that would serve as an effective check against
Japanese encroachments in South-eastern Asia.
 
 

Comment by Captain Knox


It is unquestionably to out general interest
that Britain be not licked - just now she has a stalemate
and probably cant do better. We ought to make it certain
that she at least gets a stalemate. For this she will probably
need from us substantial further destroyers and air reinforcements
to England. We should not precipitate anything in the
Orient that should hamper our ability to do this - so long as
probability continues.

If England remains stable, Japan will be cautious
in the Orient. Hence our assistance to England in the Atlantic
is also protection to her and us in the Orient.

However, I concur in your courses of action
we must be ready on both sides and probably strong enough
to care for both.
D.W.K.
Re your #6: - no reason for battleships not
visiting west coast in bunches.

 

 
The last economic warfare insult was the freezing
of all Japanese assets in the U.S. in July of 1941.
By then the Japanese had had enough and began
planning and preparing for a war with the
imperialist U.S.A. who was calling Japan an
imperialist nation.

When the entire Japanese battle fleet, including six
aircraft carriers and 408 aircraft, embarked from
northern Japan on November 26th, 1941, every
Japanese sailor and pilot thought they were headed
for a brutal stand-up fight. Japanese Samurai code
holds that there is no honor in killing a sleeping
enemy. With few exceptions, Japanese military
officers of higher rank were Samurai.

The Japanese secret communications code had
been broken BEFORE the events at Pearl
Harbor.
 
Even the 1944 Republican presidential
candidate, Thomas E. Dewey, knew about this
explosive information, having heard it in the
strictest confidence from Joint Chief of Staff
George C. Marshall. Dewey could have used it to
demonize incumbent President Roosevelt, and
would have surely won the election. Dewey
honorably chose not to do so in a time of war.

Having already broken the Japanese secret
communications code, American military
intelligence knew when and from where the
Japanese fleet had embarked and exactly where it
was headed.
U.S. Navy Admiral Kimmel and U.S.
Army General Short, who were the commanders of
the U.S. military assets at Pearl Harbor, were
purposely not informed of the Japanese fleets’
intentional movement.

All of the vitally important American aircraft
carriers were sent out to “probe the open sea”
during this time without escort. All of the carrier
escort ships were lined up at Pearl Harbor like
ducks in a row.
 
The Army aircraft at Hickam Field
were also clustered up along the flight line like
ducks in a row as a hedge against saboteurs.
Locking them in hangars with posted sentries
might have worked better against sabotage... if
that was really the plan.

On the morning of December 7th, 1941, two
Japanese reconnaissance aircraft were launched
from a carrier to scout the composition and
position of the American fleet. The Japanese pilots
had volunteered for this probable suicide mission.
They flew at will over Oahu, somehow without
being detected, and reported the bad news that the
carriers were not in port.

A U.S. destroyer, the U.S.S. Ward, sank a
Japanese midget submarine near the entrance to
Pearl Harbor before the attack but U.S. Naval
headquarters required confirmation. The skipper of
the Ward was extremely frustrated that his word
was not enough confirmation.
 
So we did strike the
first blow of the Pacific war after all!

The new radar installation at Opana Point, Hawaii
detected the Japanese battle fleet approaching but
H-Q advised the operators to “forget about it.” The
radar crew shut down and took the day off. Head
Quarters figured, incorrectly of course, that what
the radar crew detected was a flight of expected
incoming B-17’s, which was classified information.
 
 
Watch "Sacrifice at Pearl Harbor"
https://youtu.be/7p1TOA99S88
  via the link that is at for the top of this page for
whole convoluted story of events that morning.
 
 
Basically: America got its ass kicked in the so
called sneak attack, so a new Navy in the Pacific
theatre was now needed to replace the obsolete and
seriously damaged one. Roosevelt got his war, and
a hoodwinked America was up in arms and eager
to be fed into the meat grinder.

Japanese Admiral Isoru Yamamoto put it
succinctly after the attack when he declared,
 
 
“I fear all we have done is to awaken a sleeping
giant and fill him with a terrible resolve.”
 
 
This is an odd hing for a victorious commander to say.
Yamamoto became extremely depressed thereafter.
He knew Japan had been suckered into appearing
to be the sneaky cheap-shot bad guys.

BTW: I saw the documentary, "Sacrifice at Pearl
Harbor", on the History Channel somewhere
around 1996 or 1997, and was amazed that they
would be revealing the truth about Pearl Harbor
with so many World War II veterans still living.

Then sure enough, "Sacrifice at Pearl Harbor" was
removed from the programming and replaced with
a typical disinformation program called, "Pearl
Harbor: The Untold Story", that was a total
whitewash.

Presently, Jewess Abbe Raven (Ravnitsky) is the
President, CEO and gatekeeper to historical
information, such as the truth about 9/11,
presented on the Arts & Entertainment Network
that carries the History Channel shows.

__________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________
 
 
 
 
TEXT OF HIROHITO'S WAR DECLARATION
.
By the grace of heaven, Emperor of Japan, seated on the throne occupied by the same dynasty from
time immemorial, enjoin upon ye, our loyal and brave subjects:
.
We hereby declare war upon the United States of America and the British Empire. The men and
officers of our Army and Navy shall do their utmost in prosecuting the war. Our public servants
of various departments shall perform faithfully and diligently their respective duties; the entire
nation with a united will shall mobilize their total strength so
that nothing will miscarry in the attainment of our war aims.
 
To ensure the stability of East Asia, and to contribute to world peace is the farsighted policy
which was formulated by our great illustrious Imperial Grandsire and our Great Imperial Sire
succeeding him and which we lay constantly to heart. To cultivate friendship among nations and
to enjoy prosperity in common with all nations, has always been the guiding principle of our
Empire's foreign policy. It has truly been unavoidable and far from our wishes that our Empire
has been brought to cross swords with America and Britain. More than four years have passed
since China, failing to comprehend the true intentions of our Empire, and recklessly courting trouble,
disturbed the peace of East Asia and compelled our Empire to take up arms. Although there has
been reestablished the National Government of China, with which Japan had effected neighborly
intercourse and cooperation, the regime which has survived in Chungking, relying
upon American and British protection, still continues its fratricidal opposition.
 
Eager for the realization of their inordinate ambition to dominate the Orient, both America
and Britain, giving support to the Chungking regime, have aggravated the disturbances in
East Asia. Moreover these two powers, inducing other countries to follow suit, increased military
preparations on all sides of our Empire to challenge us. They have obstructed by every means our
peaceful commerce and finally resorted to a direct severance of
economic relations, menacing greatly the existence of our Empire.
 
Patiently have we waited and long have we endured, in the hope that our Government
might retrieve the situation in peace. But our adversaries, showing not the least spirit of
conciliation, have unduly delayed a settlement; and in the meantime they have intensified the
economic and political pressure to compel our Empire to submission.  This trend of affairs,
would, if left unchecked, not only nullify our Empire's efforts of many years for the sake of the
stabilization of East Asia, but also endanger the very existence of our nation. The situation being
such as it is, our Empire, for its existence and self defense has no other
recourse but to appeal to arms and to crush every obstacle in its path.
 
The hallowed spirits of our Imperial Ancestors, guarding us from above, we rely upon the loyalty
and courage of our subjects in the confident expectation that the task bequeathed by our forefathers
will be carried forward, and that the sources of evil will be speedily eradicated, and an
enduring peace be established in East Asia, preserving thereby the glory  of our Empire."
 
December 8, 1941
 
 
___________________________________________________________________________________________________
 
 
 

 

 

 

Roosevelt Conspired to Start World War II in Europe

We Elected Their Nemesis ... But He Was Ours



Establishment historians claim that U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt never wanted war

and made every reasonable effort to prevent war. This article will show that contrary to what

establishment historians claim, Franklin Roosevelt and his administration

wanted war and made every effort to instigate World War II in Europe.

 

THE SECRET POLISH DOCUMENTS

 

The Germans seized a mass of documents from the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs

when they invaded Warsaw in late September 1939. The documents were seized when a

German SS brigade led by Freiherr von Kuensberg captured the center of Warsaw ahead

of the regular German army. Von Kuensberg’s men took control of the Polish Foreign Ministry

just as Ministry officials were in the process of burning incriminating documents. These

documents clearly establish Roosevelt’s crucial role in planning and instigating World War II.

They also reveal the forces behind President Roosevelt that pushed for war.[1]

 

Some of the secret Polish documents were first published in the United States as

The German White Paper. Probably the most-revealing document in the collection is a

secret report dated January 12, 1939 by Jerzy Potocki, the Polish ambassador to the

United States. This report discusses the domestic situation in the United States.

I quote (a translation of) Ambassador Potocki’s report in full:

 

There is a feeling now prevalent in the United States marked by growing hatred of

Fascism, and above all of Chancellor Hitler and everything connected with National Socialism.

Propaganda is mostly in the hands of the Jews who control almost 100% [of the] radio,

film, daily and periodical press. Although this propaganda is extremely coarse and presents

Germany as black as possible--above all religious persecution and concentration camps

are exploited--this propaganda is nevertheless extremely effective since the public

here is completely ignorant and knows nothing of the situation in Europe.

 

At the present moment most Americans regard Chancellor Hitler and National Socialism

as the greatest evil and greatest peril threatening the world. The situation here provides

an excellent platform for public speakers of all kinds, for emigrants from Germany and

Czechoslovakia who with a great many words and with most various calumnies incite the public.

They praise American liberty which they contrast with the totalitarian states.

 

It is interesting to note that in this extremely well-planned campaign which is conducted

above all against National Socialism, Soviet Russia is almost completely eliminated.

Soviet Russia, if mentioned at all, is mentioned in a friendly manner and things are

presented in such a way that it would seem that the Soviet Union were cooperating with

the bloc of democratic states. Thanks to the clever propaganda the sympathies

of the American public are completely on the side of Red Spain.

 

This propaganda, this war psychosis is being artificially created. The American people

are told that peace in Europe is hanging only by a thread and that war is inevitable.

At the same time the American people are unequivocally told that in case of a world war,

America also must take an active part in order to defend the slogans of liberty and

democracy in the world. President Roosevelt was the first one to express hatred against

Fascism. In doing so he was serving a double purpose; first he wanted to divert the

attention of the American people from difficult and intricate domestic problems, especially

from the problem of the struggle between capital and labor. Second, by creating a war

psychosis and by spreading rumors concerning dangers threatening Europe, he wanted to

induce the American people to accept an enormous armament

program which far exceeds United States defense requirements.

 

Regarding the first point, it must be said that the internal situation on the labor market

is growing worse constantly. The unemployed today already number 12 million.

Federal and state expenditures are increasing daily. Only the huge sums, running

into billions, which the treasury expends for emergency labor projects, are keeping a

certain amount of peace in the country. Thus far only the usual strikes and local unrest

have taken place. But how long this government aid can be kept up it is difficult to

predict today. The excitement and indignation of public opinion, and the serious conflict

between private enterprises and enormous trusts on the one hand, and with labor

on the other, have made many enemies for Roosevelt and are

causing him many sleepless nights.

 

As to point two, I can only say that President Roosevelt, as a clever player of politics

and a connoisseur of American mentality, speedily steered public attention away from

the domestic situation in order to fasten it on foreign policy. The way to achieve this

was simple. One needed, on the one hand, to enhance the war menace overhanging

the world on account of Chancellor Hitler, and, on the other hand, to create a specter

by talking about the attack of the totalitarian states on the United States. The Munich

pact came to President Roosevelt as a godsend. He described it as the capitulation

of France and England to bellicose German militarism. As was said here: Hitler compelled

Chamberlain at pistol-point. Hence, France and England

had no choice and had to conclude a shameful peace.

 

The prevalent hatred against everything which is in any way connected with German

National Socialism is further kindled by the brutal attitude against the Jews in

Germany and by the émigré problem. In this action Jewish intellectuals participated;

for instance, Bernard Baruch; the Governor of New York State, Lehman; the newly

appointed judge of the Supreme Court, Felix Frankfurter; Secretary of the Treasury

Morgenthau, and others who are personal friends of Roosevelt. They want the President

to become the champion of human rights, freedom of religion and speech, and the man

who in the future will punish trouble-mongers. These groups, people who want to

pose as representatives of “Americanism” and “defenders of democracy” in the

last analysis, are connected by unbreakable ties with international Jewry.

 

For this Jewish international, which above all is concerned with the interests of its race,

to put the President of the United States at this “ideal” post of champion of human rights,

was a clever move. In this manner they created a dangerous hotbed for hatred and

hostility in this hemisphere and divided the world into two hostile camps. The entire issue

is worked out in a mysterious manner. Roosevelt has been forcing the foundation for

vitalizing American foreign policy, and simultaneously has been procuring enormous

stocks for the coming war, for which the Jews are striving consciously. With regard to

domestic policy, it is extremely convenient to divert public attention from anti-Semitism

which is ever growing in the United States, by talking about the necessity of

defending faith and individual liberty against the onslaught of Fascism.[2]

 

On January 16, 1939, Potocki reported to the Warsaw Foreign Ministry a conversation

he had with American Ambassador to France William Bullitt. Bullitt was in Washington

on a leave of absence from Paris. Potocki reported that Bullitt

stated the main objectives of the Roosevelt administration were:

 

  1. The vitalizing foreign policy, under the leadership of President Roosevelt,

severely and unambiguously condemns totalitarian countries.

 

  2. The United States preparation for war on sea, land and air which will be carried

out at an accelerated speed and will consume the colossal sum of $1,250 million.

 

  3. It is the decided opinion of the President that France and Britain must put [an]

end to any sort of compromise with the totalitarian countries. They must not let

themselves in for any discussions aiming at any kind of territorial changes.

 

  4. They have the moral assurance that the United States will leave the policy of isolation

and be prepared to intervene actively on the side of Britain and France in case of war.

America is ready to place its whole wealth of money and raw materials at their disposal.”[3]

 

Juliusz (Jules) Łukasiewicz, the Polish ambassador to France, sent a top-secret report

from Paris to the Polish Foreign Ministry at the beginning of February 1939. This

report outlined the U.S. policy toward Europe as explained to him by William Bullitt:

 

A week ago, the Ambassador of the United States, W. Bullitt, returned to Paris after

having spent three months holiday in America. Meanwhile, I had two conversations

with him which enable me to inform Monsieur Minister on his views regarding

the European situation and to give a survey of Washington’s policy….

 

The international situation is regarded by official quarters as extremely serious and

being in danger of armed conflict. Competent quarters are of the opinion that if war

should break out between Britain and France on the one hand and Germany and Italy

on the other, and Britain and France should be defeated, the Germans would become

dangerous to the realistic interests of the United States on the American continent.

For this reason, one can foresee right from the beginning the participation of the

United States in the war on the side of France and Britain, naturally after some time

had elapsed after the beginning of the war. Ambassador Bullitt expressed this as follows:

“Should war break out we shall certainly not take part in it at the beginning, but we shall end it.”[4] 

 

On March 7, 1939, Ambassador Potocki sent another remarkably perceptive report on

Roosevelt’s foreign policy to the Polish government. I quote Potocki’s report in full:

 

The foreign policy of the United States right now concerns not only the government,

but the entire American public as well. The most important elements are the public

statements of President Roosevelt. In almost every public speech he refers more or

less explicitly to the necessity of activating foreign policy against the chaos of views

and ideologies in Europe. These statements are picked up by the press and then

cleverly filtered into the minds of average Americans in such a way as to strengthen

their already formed opinions. The same theme is constantly repeated, namely, the

danger of war in Europe and saving the democracies from inundation by enemy fascism.

In all of these public statements there is normally only a single theme,

that is, the danger from Nazism and Nazi Germany to world peace.

 

As a result of these speeches, the public is called upon to support rearmament and the

spending of enormous sums for the navy and the air force. The unmistakable idea behind

this is that in case of an armed conflict the United States cannot stay out but must take

an active part in the maneuvers. As a result of the effective speeches of

President Roosevelt, which are supported by the press, the American public is today

being conscientiously manipulated to hate everything that smacks of totalitarianism

and fascism. But it is interesting that the USSR is not included in all of this. The American

public considers Russia more in the camp of the democratic states. This was also the

case during the Spanish civil war when the so-called Loyalists

were regarded as defenders of the democratic idea.

 

The State Department operates without attracting a great deal of attention, although

it is known that Secretary of State [Cordell] Hull and President Roosevelt swear allegiance

to the same ideas. However, Hull shows more reserve than Roosevelt, and he loves to

make a distinction between Nazism and Chancellor Hitler on the one hand, and the

German people on the other. He considers this form of dictatorial government a

temporary “necessary evil.” In contrast, the State Department is unbelievably interested

in the USSR and its internal situation and openly worries itself over its weaknesses

and decline. The main reason for the United States interest in the Russians is the

situation in the Far East. The current government would be glad to see the Red Army

emerge as the victor in a conflict with Japan. That’s why the sympathies of the government

are clearly on the side of China, which recently received

considerable financial aid amounting to 25 million dollars.

 

Eager attention is given to all information from the diplomatic posts as well as to the

special emissaries of the President who serve as ambassadors of the United States.

The President frequently calls his representatives from abroad to Washington for

personal exchanges of views and to give them special information and instructions.

The arrival of the envoys and ambassadors is always shrouded in secrecy and very

little surfaces in the press about the results of their visits. The State Department

also takes care to avoid giving out any kind of information about the course of these

interviews. The practical way in which the President makes foreign policy is most effective.

He gives personal instructions to his representatives abroad, most of whom are his

personal friends. In this way the United States is led down a dangerous path in world

politics with the explicit intention of abandoning the comfortable policy of isolation.

The President regards the foreign policy of his country as a means of satisfying his

own personal ambition. He listens carefully and happily to his echo in the other capitals

of the world. In domestic as well as foreign policy, the Congress of the United States is

the only object that stands in the way of the President and his government in carrying

out his decisions quickly and ambitiously. One hundred and fifty years ago, the

Constitution of the United States gave the highest prerogatives to the

American parliament which may criticize or reject the law of the White House. 

 

The foreign policy of President Roosevelt has recently been the subject of intense

discussion in the lower house and in the Senate, and this has caused excitement.

The so-called Isolationists, of whom there are many in both houses, have come out

strongly against the President. The representatives and the senators were especially

upset over the remarks of the President, which were published in the press, in which he

said that the borders of the United States lie on the Rhine. But President Roosevelt

is a superb political player and understands completely the power of the American

parliament. He has his own people there, and he knows how to

withdraw from an uncomfortable situation at the right moment.

 

Very intelligently and cleverly he ties together the question of foreign policy with the

issues of American rearmament. He particularly stresses the necessity of spending

enormous sums in order to maintain a defensive peace. He says specifically that

the United States is not arming in order to intervene or to go to the aid of England

or France in case of war, but because of the need to show strength and military

preparedness in case of an armed conflict in Europe. In his view this

conflict is becoming ever more acute and is completely unavoidable.

 

Since the issue is presented this way, the houses of Congress have no cause to object.

To the contrary, the houses accepted an armament program of more than 1 billion dollars.

(The normal budget is 550 million, the emergency 552 million dollars). However, under the

cloak of a rearmament policy, President Roosevelt continues to push forward his foreign

policy, which unofficially shows the world that in case of war the United States will

come out on the side of the democratic states with all military and financial power.

 

In conclusion it can be said that the technical and moral preparation of the American

people for participation in a war--if one should break out in Europe--is proceeding rapidly.

It appears that the United States will come to the aid of France and Great Britain with

all its resources right from the beginning. However, I know the American public and the

representatives and senators who all have the final word, and I am of the opinion that

the possibility that America will enter the war as in 1917 is not great. That’s because

the majority of the states in the mid-West and West, where the rural element predominates,

want to avoid involvement in European disputes at all costs. They remember the declaration

of the Versailles Treaty and the well-known phrase that the war was to save the world

for democracy. Neither the Versailles Treaty nor that slogan have reconciled the

United States to that war. For millions there remains only a bitter aftertaste

because of unpaid billions which the European states still owe America.[5]

 

These secret Polish reports were written by top-level Polish ambassadors who were not

necessarily friendly to Germany. However, they understood the realities of European

politics far better than people who made foreign policy in the United States. The Polish

ambassadors realized that behind all of their rhetoric about democracy and human

rights, the Jewish leaders in the United States who agitated for

war against Germany were deceptively advancing their own interests.

 

There is no question that the secret documents taken from the Polish Foreign Ministry in

Warsaw are authentic. Charles C. Tansill considered the documents genuine and stated,

“Some months ago I had a long conversation with M. Lipsky, the Polish ambassador in

Berlin in the prewar years, and he assured me that the

documents in the German White Paper are authentic.”[6]

 

William H. Chamberlain wrote, “I have been privately informed by an extremely reliable

source that Potocki, now residing in South America, confirmed the accuracy of the

documents, so far as he was concerned.”[7] Historian Harry Elmer Barnes also stated,

“Both Professor Tansill and myself have independently

established the thorough authenticity of these documents.”[8]

 

Edward Raczyński, the Polish ambassador to London from 1934 to 1945, confirmed in his

diary the authenticity of the Polish documents. He wrote in his entry on June 20, 1940:

“The Germans published in April a White Book containing documents from the archives

of our Ministry of Foreign Affairs, consisting of reports from Potocki from Washington,

Łukasiewicz in Paris and myself. I do not know where they found them, since we were

told that the archives had been destroyed. The documents are certainly genuine, and

the facsimiles show that for the most part the Germans

got hold of the originals and not merely copies.”[9]

 

The official papers and memoirs of Juliusz Łukasiewicz published in 1970 in the book

Diplomat in Paris 1936-1939 reconfirmed the authenticity of the Polish documents.

Łukasiewicz was the Polish ambassador to Paris, who authored several of the secret

Polish documents. The collection was edited by Wacław Jędrzejewicz, a former Polish

diplomat and cabinet member. Jędrzejewicz considered the documents made

public by the Germans absolutely genuine, and quoted from several of them.

 

Tyler G. Kent, who worked at the U.S. Embassy in London in 1939 and 1940, has also

confirmed the authenticity of the secret Polish documents. Kent says that he saw

copies of U.S. diplomatic messages in the files

which corresponded to the Polish documents. [10]

 

The German Foreign Office published the Polish documents on March 29, 1940.

The Reich Ministry of Propaganda released the documents to strengthen the case of the

American isolationists and to prove the degree of America’s responsibility for the outbreak

of war. In Berlin, journalists from around the world were permitted to examine the original

documents themselves, along with a large number of other documents from the Polish

Foreign Ministry. The release of the documents caused an international media sensation.

American newspapers published lengthy excerpts from the documents

and gave the story large front-page headline coverage.[11]

 

However, the impact of the released documents was far less than the German

government had hoped for. Leading U.S. government officials emphatically denounced

the documents as   not being authentic. William Bullitt, who was especially incriminated

by the documents, stated, “I have never made to anyone the statements attributed to me.”

Secretary of State Cordell Hull denounced the documents: “I may say most emphatically

that neither I nor any of my associates in the Department of State have ever heard of any

such conversations as those alleged, nor do we give them the slightest credence. The

statements alleged have not represented in any way at any time the thought or the policy

of the American government.”[12] American newspapers stressed these

high-level denials in reporting the release of the Polish documents.

 

These categorical denials by high-level U.S. government officials almost completely eliminated

the effect of the secret Polish documents. The vast majority of the American people in 1940

trusted their elected political leaders to tell the truth. If the Polish documents were in fact

authentic and genuine, this would mean that President Roosevelt and his representatives

had lied to the American public, while the German government told the truth.

In 1940, this was far more than the trusting American public could accept.

 

MORE EVIDENCE ROOSEVELT INSTIGATED WORLD WAR II

 

While the secret Polish documents alone indicate that Roosevelt was preparing the American

public for war against Germany, a large amount of complementary evidence confirms the

conspiracy reported by the Polish ambassadors. The diary of James V. Forrestal, the first

U.S. secretary of defense, also reveals that Roosevelt and his administration

helped start World War II. Forrestal’s entry on December 27, 1945 stated:

 

Played golf today with Joe Kennedy [Roosevelt’s Ambassador to Great Britain in the

years immediately before the war]. I asked him about his conversations with Roosevelt

and Neville Chamberlain from 1938 on. He said Chamberlain’s position in 1938 was that

England had nothing with which to fight and that she could not risk going to war with Hitler.

Kennedy’s view: That Hitler would have fought Russia without any later conflict with

England if it had not been for Bullitt’s urging on Roosevelt in the summer of 1939 that

the Germans must be faced down about Poland; neither the French nor the British would

have made Poland a cause of war if it had not been for the constant needling from

Washington. Bullitt, he said, kept telling Roosevelt that the Germans wouldn’t fight;

Kennedy that they would, and that they would overrun Europe. Chamberlain, he says,

stated that America and the world Jews had forced England into the war. In his telephone

conversations with Roosevelt in the summer of 1939 the President kept telling him to put

some iron up Chamberlain’s backside. Kennedy’s response always was that putting iron

up his backside did no good unless the Britishhad some iron

with which to fight, and they did not….

 

What Kennedy told me in this conversation jibes substantially with the remarks Clarence

Dillon had made to me already, to the general effect that Roosevelt had asked him in

some manner to communicate privately with the British to the end that Chamberlain

should have greater firmness in his dealings with Germany. Dillon told me that at Roosevelt’s

request he had talked with Lord Lothian in the same general sense as Kennedy

reported Roosevelt having urged him to do with Chamberlain. Lothian presumably

was to communicate to Chamberlain the gist of his conversation with Dillon.

 

Looking backward there is undoubtedly foundation for Kennedy’s belief

that Hitler’s attack could have been deflected to Russia….”[13]

 

Joseph Kennedy is known to have had a good memory, and it is highly likely that Kennedy’s

statements to James Forrestal are accurate. Forrestal died on May 22, 1949

under suspicious circumstances when he fell from his hospital window.

 

Sir Ronald Lindsay, the British ambassador to Washington, confirmed Roosevelt’s secret

policy to instigate war against Germany with the release of a confidential diplomatic report

after the war. The report described a secret meeting on September 18, 1938 between

Roosevelt and Ambassador Lindsay. Roosevelt said that if Britain and France were forced

into a war against Germany, the United States would ultimately join the war. Roosevelt’s

idea to start a war was for Britain and France to impose a blockade against Germany without

actually declaring war. The important point was to call it a defensive war based on lofty

humanitarian grounds and on the desire to wage hostilities with a minimum of suffering

and the least possible loss of life and property. The blockade would provoke some kind of

German military response, but would free Britain and France from having to declare war.

Roosevelt believed he could then convince the American public to support war against Germany,

including shipments of weapons to Britain and France, by insisting

that the United States was still neutral in a non-declared conflict.[14]

 

President Roosevelt told Ambassador Lindsay that if news of their conversation was ever

made public, it could mean Roosevelt’s impeachment. What Roosevelt proposed to Lindsay

was in effect a scheme to violate the U.S. Constitution by illegally starting a war. For this

and other reasons, Ambassador Lindsay stated that during his three years of

service in Washington he developed little regard for America’s leaders.[15]

 

Ambassador Lindsay in a series of final reports also indicated that Roosevelt was delighted

at the prospect of a new world war. Roosevelt promised Lindsay that he would delay

German ships under false pretenses in a feigned search for arms. This would allow the

German ships to be easily seized by the British under circumstances arranged with exactitude

between the American and British authorities. Lindsay reported that Roosevelt “spoke in a

tone of almost impish glee and though I may be wrong the whole

business gave me the impression of resembling a school-boy prank.”

 

Ambassador Lindsay was personally perturbed that the president of the United States could

be gay and joyful about a pending tragedy which seemed so destructive of the hopes of

all mankind. It was unfortunate at this important juncture that the United States had a president

whose emotions and ideas were regarded by a friendly British ambassador as being childish.[16]

 

Roosevelt’s desire to support France and England in a war against Germany is discussed

in a letter from Verne Marshall, former editor of the

Cedar Rapids Gazette, to Charles C. Tansill. The letter stated:

 

President Roosevelt wrote a note to William Bullitt [in the summer of 1939], then

Ambassador to France, directing him to advise the French Government that if, in the

event of a Nazi attack upon Poland, France and England did not go to Poland’s aid,

those countries could expect no help from America if a general war developed. On the

other hand, if France and England immediately declared war on

Germany, they could expect “all aid” from the United States.

 

F.D.R.’s instructions to Bullitt were to send this word along to “Joe” and “Tony,”

meaning Ambassadors Kennedy, in London, and Biddle, in Warsaw, respectively.

F.D.R. wanted Daladier, Chamberlain and Josef Beck to know of these instructions to Bullitt.

Bullitt merely sent his note from F.D.R. to Kennedy in the diplomatic pouch from Paris.

Kennedy followed Bullitt’s idea and forwarded it to Biddle. When the Nazis grabbed

Warsaw and Beck disappeared, they must have come into possession of the F.D.R.

note. The man who wrote the report I sent you saw it in Berlin in October, 1939.[17]

 

William Phillips, the American ambassador to Italy, also stated in his postwar memoirs that

the Roosevelt administration in late 1938 was committed to going to war on the side of

Britain and France. Phillips wrote: “On this and many other occasions, I would have liked

to have told him [Count Ciano, the Italian Foreign Minister] frankly that in the event of a

European war, the United States would undoubtedly be involved on the side of the Allies.

But in view of my official position, I could not properly make such a statement

without instructions from Washington, and these I never received.”[18]

 

When Anthony Eden returned to England in December 1938, he carried with him an

assurance from President Roosevelt that the United States would enter as soon as

practicable a European war against Hitler if the occasion arose. This information was

obtained by Senator William Borah of Idaho, who was contemplating how and when to

give out this information, when he dropped dead in his bathroom. The story was confirmed

to historian Harry Elmer Barnes by some of Senator Borah’s closest colleagues at the time.[19]  

 

The American ambassador to Poland, Anthony Drexel Biddle, was an ideological colleague

of President Roosevelt and a good friend of William Bullitt. Roosevelt used Biddle to

influence the Polish government to refuse to enter into negotiations with Germany.

Carl J. Burckhardt, the League of Nations High Commissioner to Danzig, reported in his

postwar memoirs on a memorable conversation he had with Biddle. On December 2, 1938,

Biddle told Burckhardt with remarkable satisfaction that the Poles were ready to wage war

over Danzig. Biddle predicted that in April a new crisis would develop, and that moderate

British and French leaders would be influenced by public opinion to support war.

Biddle predicted a holy war against Germany would break out.[20]

 

Bernard Baruch, who was Roosevelt’s chief advisor, scoffed at a statement made on

March 10, 1939 by Neville Chamberlain that “the outlook in international affairs is tranquil.”

Baruch agreed passionately with Winston Churchill, who had told him:

“War is coming very soon. We will be in it and you [the United States] will be in it.”[21]    

 

Georges Bonnet, the French foreign minister in 1939, also confirmed the role of William Bullitt

as Roosevelt’s agent in pushing France into war. In a letter to Hamilton Fish dated

March 26, 1971, Bonnet wrote, “One thing is certain is that Bullitt

in 1939 did everything he could to make France enter the war.”[22]

 

Dr. Edvard Beneš, the former president of Czechoslovakia, wrote in his memoirs that he

had a lengthy secret conversation at Hyde Park with President Roosevelt on May 28, 1939.

Roosevelt assured Beneš that the United States would actively intervene on the side

of Great Britain and France against Germany in the anticipated European war.[23]

 

American newspaper columnist Karl von Wiegand, who was the chief European newspaper

columnist of the International News Service, met with Ambassador William Bullitt at the U.S.

embassy in Paris on April 25, 1939. More than four months before the outbreak of war,

Bullitt told Wiegand: “War in Europe has been decided upon. Poland has the assurance

of the support of Britain and France, and will yield to no demands from Germany. America

will be in the war soon after Britain and France enter it.”[24] When Wiegand said that

in the end Germany would be driven into the arms of Soviet Russia and Bolshevism,

Ambassador Bullitt replied: “What of it. There will not be enough Germans left when

the war is over to be worth Bolshevizing.”[25]       

 

On March 14, 1939, Slovakia dissolved the state of Czechoslovakia by declaring itself an

independent republic. Czechoslovakian President Emil Hácha signed a formal agreement

the next day with Hitler establishing a German protectorate over Bohemia and Moravia,

which constituted the Czech portion of the previous entity. The British government initially

accepted the new situation, reasoning that Britain’s guarantee of Czechoslovakia given after

Munich was rendered void by the internal collapse of that state. It soon became evident after

the proclamation of the Protectorate of Bohemia-Moravia that the new regime enjoyed

considerable popularity among the people living in it. Also, the danger of

a war between the Czechs and the Slovaks had been averted.[26]

 

However, Bullitt’s response to the creation of the German protectorate over Bohemia and

Moravia was highly unfavorable. Bullitt telephoned Roosevelt and, in an “almost hysterical” voice,

Bullitt urged Roosevelt to make a dramatic denunciation of Germany

and to immediately ask Congress to repeal the Neutrality Act.[27]

 

Washington journalists Drew Pearson and Robert S. Allen reported in their nationally

syndicated column that on March 16, 1939, President Roosevelt “sent a virtual ultimatum

to Chamberlain” demanding that the British government strongly oppose Germany.

Pearson and Allen reported that “the President warned that Britain could expect

no more support, moral or material through the sale

of airplanes, if the Munich policy continued.”[28]

 

Responding to Roosevelt’s pressure, the next day Chamberlain ended Britain’s policy of

cooperation with Germany when he made a speech at Birmingham bitterly denouncing Hitler.

Chamberlain also announced the end of the British “appeasement” policy, stating that from

now on Britain would oppose any further territorial moves by Hitler. Two weeks later the

British government formally committed itself to war in case of German-Polish hostilities.

 

Roosevelt also attempted to arm Poland so that Poland would be more willing to go to war

against Germany. Ambassador Bullitt reported from Paris in a confidential telegram to

Washington on April 9, 1939, his conversation with Polish Ambassador Łukasiewicz.

Bullitt told Łukasiewicz that although U.S. law prohibited direct financial aid to Poland,

the Roosevelt administration might be able to supply warplanes to Poland indirectly through

Britain. Bullitt stated: “The Polish ambassador asked me if it might not be possible for

Poland to obtain financial help and airplanes from the United States. I replied that I believed

the Johnson Act would forbid any loans from the United States to Poland, but added that it

might be possible for England to purchase planes for cash

in the United States and turn them over to Poland.”[29]

 

Bullitt also attempted to bypass the Neutrality Act and supply France with airplanes.

A secret conference of Ambassador Bullitt with French Premier Daladier and the French

minister of aviation, Guy La Chambre, discussed the procurement of airplanes from

America for France. Bullitt, who was in frequent telephonic conversation with Roosevelt,

suggested a means by which the Neutrality Act could be circumvented in the event of war.

Bullitt’s suggestion was to set up assembly plants in Canada, apparently on the assumption

that Canada would not be a formal belligerent in the war. Bullitt also arranged for a secret

French mission to come to the United States and purchase airplanes in the winter of 1938-1939.

The secret purchase of American airplanes by the French leaked

out when a French aviator crashed on the West Coast.[30]

 

On August 23, 1939, Sir Horace Wilson, Chamberlain’s closest advisor, went to American

Ambassador Joseph Kennedy with an urgent appeal from Chamberlain to President Roosevelt.

Regretting that Britain had unequivocally obligated itself to Poland in case of war,

Chamberlain now turned to Roosevelt as a last hope for peace. Kennedy telephoned the

State Department and stated: “The British want one thing from us and one thing only,

namely that we put pressure on the Poles. They felt that they could not,

given their obligations, do anything of this sort but that we could.”

 

Presented with a possibility to save the peace in Europe, President Roosevelt rejected

Chamberlain’s desperate plea out of hand. With Roosevelt’s rejection, Kennedy reported,

British Prime Minister Chamberlain lost all hope. Chamberlain stated: “The futility of it all

is the thing that is frightful. After all, we cannot save the Poles. We can merely

carry on a war of revenge that will mean the destruction of all Europe.”[31]

 

Conclusion

 

U.S. President Franklin Roosevelt and his advisers played a crucial role in planning

and instigating World War II. This is proven by the secret Polish documents as well

as numerous statements from highly positioned, well-known and authoritative

Allied leaders who corroborate the contents of the Polish documents.

 

ENDNOTES

 

[1] Weber, Mark, “President Roosevelt’s Campaign to Incite War in Europe: The Secret Polish Documents,” The Journal of Historical Review, Vol. 4, No. 2, Summer 1983, pp. 136-137, 140.

[2] Count Jerzy Potocki to Polish Foreign Minister in Warsaw, The German White Paper: Full Text of the Polish Documents Issued by the Berlin Foreign Office; with a foreword by C. Hartley Grattan, New York: Howell, Soskin & Company, 1940, pp. 29-31.

[3] Ibid., pp. 32-33.

[4] Juliusz Lukasiewicz to Polish Foreign Minister in Warsaw, The German White Paper: Full Text of the Polish Documents Issued by the Berlin Foreign Office; with a foreword by C. Hartley Grattan, New York: Howell, Soskin & Company, 1940, pp. 43-44.

[5] Germany. Foreign Office Archive Commission. Roosevelts Weg in den Krieg: Geheimdokumente zur Kriegspolitik des Praesidenten der Vereinigten Staaten. Berlin: Deutscher Verlag, 1943. Translated into English by Weber, Mark, “President Roosevelt’s Campaign to Incite War in Europe: The Secret Polish Documents,” The Journal of Historical Review, Summer 1983, Vol. 4, No. 2, pp. 150-152.

[6] Tansill, Charles C., “The United States and the Road to War in Europe,” in Barnes, Harry Elmer (ed.), Perpetual War for Perpetual Peace, Newport Beach, Cal.: Institute for Historical Review, 1993, p. 184 (footnote 292).

[7] Chamberlain, William Henry, America’s Second Crusade, Chicago: Regnery, 1950, p. 60 (footnote 14).

[8] Barnes, Harry Elmer, The Court Historians versus Revisionism, N.p.: privately printed, 1952, p. 10.

[9] Raczynski, Edward, In Allied London, London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1963, p. 51.

[10] Weber, Mark, “President Roosevelt’s Campaign to Incite War in Europe: The Secret Polish Documents,” The Journal of Historical Review, Summer 1983, Vol. 4, No. 2, p. 142.  

[11] Ibid., pp. 137-139.

[12] New York Times, March 30, 1940, p. 1.

[13] Forrestal, James V., The Forrestal Diaries, edited by Walter Millis and E.S. Duffield, New York: Vanguard Press, 1951, pp. 121-122.

[14] Dispatch No. 349 of Sept. 30, 1938, by Sir Ronald Lindsay, Documents on British Foreign Policy, (ed.). Ernest L. Woodard, Third Series, Vol. VII, London, 1954, pp. 627-629. See also Lash, Joseph P., Roosevelt and Churchill 1939-1941, New York: Norton, 1976, pp. 25-27.  

[15] Dallek, Robert, Franklin D. Roosevelt and American Foreign Policy 1932-1945, New York: Oxford University Press, 1979, pp. 31, 164-165.

[16] Hoggan, David L., The Forced War: When Peaceful Revision Failed, Costa Mesa, Cal.: Institute for Historical Review, 1989, pp. 518-519.

[17] Tansill, Charles C., “The United States and the Road to War in Europe,” in Barnes, Harry Elmer (ed.), Perpetual War for Perpetual Peace, Newport Beach, Cal.: Institute for Historical Review, 1993, p. 168.

[18] Phillips, William, Ventures in Diplomacy, North Beverly, Mass.: privately published, 1952, pp. 220-221.

[19] Barnes, Harry Elmer, Barnes against the Blackout, Costa Mesa, Cal.: Institute for Historical Review, 1991, p. 208.

[20] Burckhardt, Carl, Meine Danziger Mission 1937-1939, Munich: Callwey, 1960, p. 225.

[21] Sherwood, Robert E., Roosevelt and Hopkins, an Intimate History, New York: Harper & Brothers, 1948, p. 113.

[22] Fish, Hamilton, FDR The Other Side of the Coin: How We Were Tricked into World War II, New York: Vantage Press, 1976, p. 62.

[23] Beneš, Edvard, Memoirs of Dr. Edvard Beneš, London: George Allen & Unwin, 1954, pp. 79-80.

[24] “Von Wiegand Says-,” Chicago-Herald American, Oct. 8, 1944, p. 2.

[25] Chicago-Herald American, April 23, 1944, p. 18.

[26] Hoggan, David L., The Forced War: When Peaceful Revision Failed, Costa Mesa, Cal.: Institute for Historical Review, 1989, p. 250.

[27] Moffat, Jay P., The Moffat Papers 1919-1943, Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1956, p. 232.

[28] Pearson, Drew and Allen, Robert S., “Washington Daily Merry-Go-Round,” Washington Times-Herald, April 14, 1939, p. 16.

[29] U.S. Department of State, Foreign Relations of the United States (Diplomatic Papers), 1939, General, Vol. I, Washington: 1956, p. 122. 

[30] Chamberlain, William Henry, America’s Second Crusade, Chicago: Regnery, 1950, pp. 101-102.

[31] Koskoff, David E., Joseph P. Kennedy: A Life and Times, Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1974, p. 207; see also Taylor, A.J.P., The Origins of the Second World War, New York: Simon & Schuster, 2005, p. 272.

 

 

 


 
 

Sacrifice at Pearl Harbor (Part 1 of 7)

 

Sacrifice at Pearl Harbor (Part 2 of 7)


Sacrifice at Pearl Harbor (Part 3 of 7)


Sacrifice at Pearl Harbor (Part 4 of 7)


Sacrifice at Pearl Harbor (Part 5 of 7)


Sacrifice at Pearl Harbor (Part 6 of 7)


Sacrifice at Pearl Harbor (Part 7 of 7)

Attack on Pearl Harbor Japanese planes view.jpg
Photograph taken from a Japanese plane during the torpedo attack on ships moored on both sides of Ford Island shortly after the beginning of the Pearl Harbor attack. View looks about east, with the supply depot, submarine base and fuel tank farm in the right center distance. A torpedo has just hit USS West Virginia on the far side of Ford Island (center). Other battleships moored nearby are (from left): Nevada, Arizona, Tennessee (inboard of West Virginia), Oklahoma (torpedoed and listing) alongside Maryland, and California. On the near side of Ford Island, to the left, are light cruisers Detroit and Raleigh, target and training ship Utah and seaplane tender Tangier. Raleigh and Utah have been torpedoed, and Utah is listing sharply to port. Japanese planes are visible in the right center (over Ford Island) and over the Navy Yard at right. U.S. Navy planes on the seaplane ramp are on fire. Japanese writing in the lower right states that the photograph was reproduced by authorization of the Navy Ministry.